Lee Kuan Yew
Lee Kuan Yew (born Harry Lee Kuan Yew; 16 September 1923 – 23 March 2015), often referred to by his initials LKY, was a Singaporean statesman and lawyer who served as Prime Minister of Singapore from 1959 to 1990, and is recognised as the nation's founding father. He was one of the founders of the People's Action Party along with Toh Chin Chye, Lim Chin Siong, S. Rajaratnam and Lim Kim San.
Lee Kuan Yew
|1st Prime Minister of Singapore|
5 June 1959 – 28 November 1990
|Preceded by||Lim Yew Hock |
(as Chief Minister)
|Succeeded by||Goh Chok Tong|
|Member of Parliament |
for Tanjong Pagar
22 April 1955 – 23 March 2015
|Constituency||Tanjong Pagar (Assembly) (1955–65)|
Tanjong Pagar SMC (1965–91)
Tanjong Pagar GRC (1991–2015)
Harry Lee Kuan Yew
16 September 1923
Singapore, Straits Settlements
|Died||23 March 2015 91) (aged|
|Cause of death||Pneumonia|
|Political party||People's Action Party (1954–2015)|
Kwa Geok Choo
(m. 1950; died 2010)
|Children||Son - Lee Hsien Loong |
Daughter - Lee Wei Ling
Son - Lee Hsien Yang
|Mother||Chua Jim Neo|
|Father||Lee Chin Koon|
|Alma mater||Telok Kurau English School|
Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge
|Lee Kuan Yew|
Lee was born in Singapore during British colonial rule, which was part of the Straits Settlements. He attained top grades in his early education, gaining a scholarship and admission to Raffles College. During the Japanese occupation, Lee worked in private enterprises and as an administration service officer for the propaganda office. After the war, Lee initially attended the London School of Economics, but transferred to Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, graduating with starred-first-class honours in law in 1947. He became a barrister of the Middle Temple in 1950 and returned to Singapore, and began campaigning for Britain to relinquish its colonial rule.
Lee co-founded the People's Action Party in 1954 and won his first seat in the Tanjong Pagar division in the 1955 election. During this period, Lee was the de facto opposition leader in the legislature to chief ministers David Marshall and Lim Yew Hock. Lee led his party to its first electoral victory in the 1959 election, and was appointed as the state's first prime minister. To attain complete self-rule from Britain, Lee campaigned for a merger with other former British territories in a national referendum to form Malaysia in 1963. Racial strife and ideological differences led to Singapore's separation from the federation to become a sovereign city-state in 1965.
With overwhelming parliamentary control at every election, Lee oversaw Singapore's transformation into a developed country with a high-income economy within a single generation. In the process, he forged a system of meritocratic, highly effective and anti-corrupt government and civil service. Lee eschewed populist policies in favour of long-term social and economic planning. He championed meritocracy and multiracialism as governing principles, making English the lingua franca to integrate its immigrant society and to facilitate trade with the world, whilst mandating bilingualism in schools to preserve students' mother tongue and ethnic identity. Lee stepped down as prime minister in 1990, but remained in the Cabinet under his successors, holding the appointments of senior minister until 2004, then minister mentor until 2011.
A stalwart supporter in Asian values, Lee's rule was sometimes criticised by various observers from the liberal democracies of the West in response. While elections are free, critics had accused him of curtailing press freedoms, limits on public protests, restricting labour movements from strike action, and bringing defamation lawsuits against some political opponents. Nevertheless, his beliefs such as government transparency has been adhered to by successive administrations of the governing party, and Singapore continues to be considered as one of the least corrupt countries as compared to the rest of the world.
Lee died of pneumonia on 23 March 2015, aged 91. In a week of national mourning, about 1.7 million Singaporean residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at his lying-in-state at Parliament House and community tribute sites.
Childhood and early education
Lee was born at home on 16 September 1923, as the first child to Lee Chin Koon and Chua Jim Neo, at 92 Kampong Java Road in Singapore. The island was part of the Straits Settlements under British colonial rule and both of Lee's parents were English educated third generation Straits Chinese. They named him 'Kuan Yew', meaning 'light and brightness', with an alternate meaning 'bringing great glory to one's ancestors'. Lee's paternal grandfather Lee Hoon Leong, who was described as "especially westernised", had worked on British ships as a purser, and hence gave Lee the Western name 'Harry'. While the family spoke English as its first language, Lee also learnt Malay and Cantonese, the latter which he picked up from the family maid. Lee would have three brothers and one sister, all of whom lived till old age.
Lee was not close to his father, whom worked as a storekeeper within the Shell Oil Company and had a gambling addiction. His mother Chua would often stand up against her husband for his poor fiscal management and parenting skills, with the result that Lee greatly admired her. The family was considered prosperous with a high social standing compared to recent immigrants and had the expenses to hire servants. During the Great Depression, the family fortunes declined considerably, though Lee's father retained his job at Shell, was later promoted to manager, and was assigned a car, chauffeur and house. Later in life, Lee described his father as a man with a nasty temper and credited his mother with holding the family together and refusing to pawn her family jewellery to fund her husband's gambling addiction. She would later use the savings to help pay for Lee's education.
In 1930, Lee enrolled at Telok Kurau English School where he spent six years of his primary education. Attending Raffles Institution in 1935, Lee had difficulties keeping up with his studies, but his results improved by Junior A (Secondary 3) and he topped the Junior Cambridge examinations. He also joined the Scouts and partook in several physical activities and debates. Lee was the top-scorer in the Senior Cambridge examinations in 1940 across the Straits Settlements and Malaya, gaining the John Anderson scholarship to attend Raffles College. During the prize awarding ceremony, Lee met his future wife Kwa Geok Choo for the first time, who was the only girl at the school. His subsequent university studies at Raffles College were disrupted by the onset of World War II in Asia, with the school being converted into a medical facility in 1941. The war arrived in December of that year and following the British surrender in February 1942, the Japanese occupation of Singapore began.
World War II
In the early days of the occupation, the Japanese military ordered all Chinese to report for a screening as part of the Sook Ching operation to purge undesirable elements. By his own account, Lee followed suit as he feared getting caught by the Kempetai (military police), reporting to Jalan Besar stadium with a friend, Koh Teong Koo. By sheer luck, Koh's dormitory was within the perimeter setup by the Japanese, and Lee spent the night there with him. He attempted to leave the next morning, but was ordered by a guard to join a group of already segregated men. Sensing that something was amiss, he requested for permission to collect his clothes first, and the guard agreed. Lee spent a second night in the dormitory before successfully leaving the site the next day when a different guard cleared him through. He would later learn that the group of men were likely taken to the beach and executed.
Lee obtained his Japanese language proficiency certificate in August 1942 after a three months course, working first as a clerk in a friend's company and then the Kumiai, which controlled essential items. He got a job with the Japanese propaganda department (Hōdōbu) in late 1943 as an English specialist. Working at the top of the Cathay Building, he was assigned to listen to Allied radio stations for Morse code signals. Some sources say he may have passed information to the British while working there, but this is not confirmed. By late 1944, Lee knew Japan had suffered several major defeats. Anticipating fierce fighting should the British re-invade, he made plans to move to a farm on the Cameron Highlands with his family. He was tipped off by a contact that the Kempetai suspected him, and decided to abandon the plan. He engaged in private enterprises and black market sales for the rest of the war.
The Japanese occupation had a profound impact on Lee, who recalled being slapped and forced to kneel for failing to bow to a Japanese soldier. In a radio broadcast made in 1961, Lee said he "emerged [from the war] determined that no one—neither Japanese nor British—had the right to push and kick us around ... (and) that we could govern ourselves." It also influenced his perceptions of raw power and the effectiveness of harsh punishment in deterring crime.
University, marriage and politics
Lee chose not to return to Raffles College after the war, deciding to pursue a Queen's Scholarship in the United Kingdom. On 16 September 1946, his 23rd birthday, Lee sailed from Singapore on the MV Britannic, which was carrying demobilised British troops home, arriving on 3 October. The admissions period had closed, but he convinced the dean of the law faculty, Hughes Parry, at the London School of Economics to enroll him. Life in the British capital was difficult and Lee greatly disliked his time there. Upon a lecturer's advice, he visited Cambridge in November and met a former Raffles College student, who introduced him to W. S. Thatcher, Censor of Fitzwilliam House. He was admitted into the following year's Lent term and matriculated in January 1947, reading law at Fitzwilliam College.
Prior to his departure from Singapore, Lee had begun a relationship with Kwa, whom he had kept in contact during the war. Kwa gained her Queen's Scholarship in 1947, but the Colonial Office was unable to allocate a university placing until 1948. Lee intervened with the school to admit and bring forward her matriculation, and she arrived in October of that year. They married in secret at Stratford-upon-Avon in December. Lee graduated First Class in both parts of the Tripos with an exceptional Starred-First for Part II Law in 1949 with Kwa. As the top student of his cohort, he was awarded the Fitzwilliam's Whitlock Prize; Lee was called to the bar at the Middle Temple in 1950.
During his studies, Lee's political convictions and anti-colonial sentiments had been hardened by personal experiences and an increasing belief that the British were ruling Singapore for their own benefit. He supported the Labour Party against the Conservatives whom he perceived as opposing decolonisation. In the leadup to the 1950 United Kingdom general election, Lee engaged in politics for the first time and actively campaigned for a friend, David Widdicombe in Totnes constituency, driving Widdicombe around in a lorry and delivering several speeches on his behalf. The Labour Party retained power, though Widdicombe lost the election.
Early political career (1951–1959)
Litigation practice and Fajar trial
Lee and his wife arrived back in Singapore on 1 August 1950 on the MS Willem Ruys. He joined the Laycock and Ong law firm founded by British lawyer John Laycock, which paid a monthly salary of $500. Laycock was also a co-founder of the pro-British and colonial Progressive Party and Lee acted as an election agent for the party during the 1951 legislative council election. Lee was called to the Singapore bar on 7 August 1951.
During the postal union strike in May 1952, Lee successfully negotiated a settlement which would mark his first step into the labour movement. In due course, Lee represented nearly fifty trade unions and associations against the British authorities on a pro bono basis, sometimes asking only for a token sum in payment. The disputes often centered around wages and Laycock eventually demanded Lee to cease taking on such cases as it was hurting the firm. Activists and clients said that Lee was likely preparing to enter politics and saw his work as a means to burnish his 'pro-labour' credentials among the trade unions, which he later confirmed.
In May 1954, members of the left-wing student group University Socialist Club published an article 'Aggression in Asia' in the club's magazine The Fajar, which highlighted numerous examples of "Western aggression" in Asia and called Malaya a police state. The students were arrested and charged with sedition by the British authorities. The prominent lawyer David Marshall was initially proposed as a defence counsel, which the members quickly rejected as he was against them. Lee became junior counsel to the lead counsel Denis Pritt whom had flown in from Britain. Lee claimed that he had acquired Pritt's services, though this account is disputed by the club president. In any case, Pritt successfully squashed the charges in two days and both men gained a reputation through the trial, with Lee becoming a "major leader" of the movement against British rule.
Formation of the People's Action Party
| Inaugural central executive committee of the People's Action Party |
National Archives of Singapore
Lee formally entered politics when members of the Singapore Chinese Middle Schools Union launched anti-colonial, non-violent protests against the enactment of the national service ordinance law on 13 May 1954. Forty-six to sixty students were arrested after an initial use of violence by members of the police riot squad. The student arrests gave rise to Lee's reputation as a "left-wing lawyer" which provided a path for Lee into Singaporean politics through the Communist Party of Malaya.
The People's Action Party (PAP) was officially inaugurated on 12 November 1954. Together with a group of fellow English-educated middle-class men whom he described as "beer-swilling bourgeois", Lee formed the socialist PAP in an alliance with the pro-communist trade unionists. This alliance was described by Lee as a marriage of convenience since his English-speaking group needed the Chinese-speaking majority's mass support base. Their common aim was to struggle for self-government and put an end to British colonial rule in Malaya. An inaugural conference was held at the Victoria Memorial Hall, attended by over 1,500 supporters and trade unionists. Lee became secretary-general, a post he held until 1992, save for a brief period in 1957.
Leader of the Opposition
Lee Kuan Yew won the Tanjong Pagar seat in the 1955 elections. He became the Leader of the Opposition against David Marshall's Labour Front-led coalition government in Parliament. He was also one of PAP's representatives to the two constitutional discussions held in London over the future status of Singapore, the first led by Marshall and the second by Lim Yew Hock, Marshall's hardline successor. It was during this period that Lee had to contend with rivals from both within and outside the PAP.
Lee's position in the PAP was seriously under threat in 1957 when pro-communists took over the leadership posts, following a party conference which the party's left-wing had stacked with fake members. Fortunately for Lee and the party's moderate faction, Lim Yew Hock ordered a mass arrest of the pro-communists and Lee was reinstated as secretary-general. After the communist "scare", Lee subsequently received a new, stronger mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents in a by-election in 1957.
Prime Minister, pre-independence (1959–1965)
Self-government administration (1959–1963)
In the national elections held on 30 May 1959, the PAP won 43 of the 51 seats in the legislative assembly. Singapore gained self-government with autonomy in all state matters except defence and foreign affairs on 3 June 1959, with Lee becoming the prime minister-designate. Lee was sworn in as Prime Minister of Singapore on 5 June 1959, succeeding former chief minister Lim Yew Hock.
PAP split of 1961
In 1961, former PAP minister and Mayor of Singapore after PAP's victory in the 1957 Singapore City Council election, Ong Eng Guan resigned his parliamentary seat of Hong Lim, filing the famous "16 resolutions" in the legislative assembly against the government. He challenged the PAP to defeat him in Hong Lim after his sacking from the cabinet. He had also been expelled by the party after making open disputes with his Cabinet colleagues, including over the abolition of the City Council, of which he was the last Mayor. Two other PAP members had followed him to join his faction and resigned from the party but did not resign their seats with Ong. Ong stood as an independent and won the Hong Lim by-election, defeating PAP candidate Jek Yeun Thong.
Later that year, another by-election was held after the death of the incumbent PAP member Baharuddin Mohammed Ariff in the constituency of Anson on 15 July 1961. Former Labour Front chief minister David Marshall, now the Workers' Party (WP) leader, contested and won the seat, marking his political return. Two days after the Anson result, Lee assumed full responsibility for the two election setbacks and resigned as prime minister to PAP chairman Toh Chin Chye, only for Toh to reject it.
On 21 July 1961, Lee then moved a motion of confidence in his own government five days after the Anson by-election. The motion was agreed to with 27 "Ayes", 8 "Noes" and 16 abstentions. The members who voted "No" included David Marshall and members of the Singapore People's Alliance. 13 allegedly pro-communist PAP members and 3 members of Ong Eng Guan's newly-formed United People's Party abstained. Lee's expelled the PAP members who did not vote for his motion for breaking ranks and pulling support away to Communist opponents. Together with six prominent left-leaning leaders from trade unions, the breakaway members established a new party, the Barisan Sosialis. 35 of 51 branches of the PAP and 19 of 23 branch secretaries defected to Barisan.
Merger with Malaysia (1963–1965)
Lead up to merger
Independence of Singapore from Britain, through a merger with the Federation of Malaya, had been the PAP's platform since its founding in 1954. The merger was supported both by the non-communists and the communists in the PAP. So when the PAP won a strong mandate in the 1959 General Election, it pursued merger vigorously.
After Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman proposed the formation of a federation which would include Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak in 1961, Lee began to campaign for a merger to end British colonial rule. The communists made a startling about-turn and were determined to derail the merger, even though they had all along insisted that Malaya and Singapore were one entity. Chin Peng, leader of the Malayan Communist Party made it clear that it wished to sabotage merger or delay its implementation at that stage.
Lee explained in a series of radio broadcasts in 1961 that the communists and Barisan Sosialis opposed the merger because they wanted to establish control over Singapore so they could subsequently subvert and take over Malaya. The radio talks won over public opinion in favour of merger on the terms proposed by Lee's government. Lee would use the results of a referendum held on 1 September 1962, in which 70% of the votes were cast in support of his merger proposal, to demonstrate that the people supported his plan; most of the other votes were blank, as Lee had not allowed a "No" option.
|Lee Kuan Yew's on the Vietnam War and the problems of Southeast Asia in a 1967 interview with "Meet the Press", NBC|
By 1962, it was clear that the Malayan government considered the arrests of Singapore's left-wing groups, which they perceived as communist breeding grounds, as one of the two pre-conditions for the creation of Malaysia. The debates over the specifics of the arrests resulted in a power struggle in 1961 between the British, Singapore and Malayan leaders. In February 1962, the Malayans insisted on the apprehension of opposition leaders in Singapore and warned that they would pull out from the Internal Security Council if their requests were ignored. Observing that the Malayans were pushing for an arrest programme, Lee Kuan Yew jumped onto the bandwagon in March 1962. The arrests were scheduled for 16 December 1962 at 0200 hours but shortly before the scheduled date Lee Kuan Yew expanded the list of arrestees to include Malayan parliamentarians Lim Kean Siew and Ahmad Boestaman because they were opposed to merger. Lee also wanted the Malayan government to assume joint responsibility for the arrests and even composed a draft public statement for them to present in the federal parliament. Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman rejected Lee's demands on the grounds that insufficient evidence existed to justify the arrest of the Malayan parliamentarians. In January 1963, the Tunku was alarmed when Lee Kuan Yew continued to expand the arrest list to include "some members of Marshall's and Ong's parties" despite "protestations of Singapore Special Branch." Nevertheless, on 18 January 1963, the Malayan government agreed on the specifics of the arrests "except for two matters... the UPP members and the proposal that Lim be offered by Lee the opportunity to leave Singapore after the arrest."
However, Tunku warned Geofroy Tory, the British High Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur on 30 January 1963, that 'if this operation failed, merger with Singapore was off'. Tory, in turn warned everyone else, particularly his British colleagues and especially British Commissioner to Singapore Lord Selkirk, to put their reservations aside as 'this was positively the last time'. All parties finally agreed to proceed, and 2 February 1963 was selected for the commencement of Operation Coldstore. 113 were detained including Lim Chin Siong and 23 others from Barisan Sosialis.
From merger to separation
On 16 September 1963, Singapore became part of the new Federation of Malaysia. The Barisan Sosialis was the People's Action Party's strongest contenders in politics. However, Operation Coldstore had substantially weakened the Barisan as most of its key personnel had been detained. According to Matthew Jones, "the Barisan never recovered from the combined effects of the outcome of the referendum result and the 'Cold Store' detentions.” Jones also highlights that numerous Barisan leaders and members were bogged down with lawsuits and its followers were "demoralised". In the 1963 election held on 21 September 5 days after the merger, Lee's PAP defeated Barisan Sosialis in a landslide victory.
However, the Singapore's union with Malaysia was short-lived. The Malaysian central government, ruled by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), became worried by the inclusion of Singapore's Chinese majority and the political challenge of the PAP in Malaysia. UMNO's coalition partner, the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) feared that the PAP would replace them, and opposed the PAP, seeing it as a radical socialist movement. The MCA urged the UMNO to prevent the PAP from becoming too influential. Also, the failure of a common market to be set up between the Federation and Singapore, and the heavy tax burden placed on Singapore by the federal government put strain on the relations between Singapore and the Federation.
In the 1964 Malaysian general election, PAP contested 11 federal and 15 state seats, which were mostly urban constituencies with a large ethnic Chinese population and traditional MCA turfs. However, the PAP won only one parliamentary seat by Devan Nair in Bungsar, Selangor. UMNO saw this as spite, and felt threatened by the fact that the PAP had even contested any seats at all, and was alarmed by the seat the PAP managed to win.
The 1964 race riots in Singapore followed, such as that on 21 July 1964 near Kallang Gasworks in which 23 people were killed and hundreds injured as Chinese and Malays attacked each other. It is still disputed how the riots started, and theories include a bottle being thrown into a Muslim rally by a Chinese, while others have argued that it was started by a Malay. More riots broke out in September 1964, as rioters looted cars and shops, forcing both Tunku Abdul Rahman and Lee to make public appearances to calm the situation.
In May 1965, PAP formed the Malaysian Solidarity Convention with four other Malaysian political parties championing the concept of a "Malaysian Malaysia" opposing Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia. This article specifically provides special quotas for the Malay and other indigenous peoples of Malaysia in admission to the public service, awarding of public scholarships, admission to public education institutions and the awarding of trade licences.
Some politicians in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) thought Malaysian Malaysia threatened the Malays' special position in Malaysia. They considered Lee to be a dangerous and seditious trouble-maker. UMNO supreme council member and future prime minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad called the PAP “pro-Chinese, communist-oriented and positively anti-Malay”. The more moderate Tunku was perturbed by the campaign. He thought it would lead to trouble, as he believed that the Malays were not ready to compete without their special privileges.
Also in May 1965, Lee addressed the Malaysian Parliament and laid out his case against communal politics. He caused a sensation addressing them in the Malaysian language. Former Minister for Social Affairs Othman Wok recounted years later:
Former Cabinet colleague, the late Lim Kim San, noted:
Unable to resolve the crisis, Tunku Abdul Rahman decided that Singapore had to be expelled from Malaysia, choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no measure of loyalty to its Central Government". Lee refused and tried to work out a compromise, but without success. He was later convinced by Goh Keng Swee that the secession was inevitable. The negotiations of post-separation relations were held in utmost secrecy, to prevent any premature move by extreme elements of UMNO to instigate the arrest of Lee's government and imposing of direct rule over Singapore. Lee and his cabinet signed a separation agreement on 7 August 1965, which discussed Singapore's post-separation relations with Malaysia in order to continue co-operation in areas such as trade and mutual defence.
On 9 August 1965, at 10am, the Malaysian Parliament convened and passed unanimously by a vote of 126–0, the Constitution of Malaysia (Singapore Amendment) Bill 1965 to allow Singapore to separate from the Malaysian federation. The failure of the merger was a blow to Lee, who believed that it was crucial for Singapore's survival. In a televised press conference that day, he fought back tears and briefly stopped to regain his composure as he formally announced the separation and the full independence of Singapore to an anxious population:
Every time we look back on this moment when we signed this agreement which severed Singapore from Malaysia, it will be a moment of anguish. For me it is a moment of anguish because all my life. ... You see, the whole of my adult life [...] I have believed in Malaysian merger and the unity of these two territories. You know, it's a people connected by geography, economics, and ties of kinship.
Singapore's lack of natural resources, a water supply that was derived primarily from Malaysia and a very limited defensive capability were the major challenges which Lee and the nascent Singaporean government faced.
Prime Minister, post-independence (1965–1990)
Despite the momentous event, Lee did not call for the parliament to convene to reconcile issues that Singapore would face immediately as a new nation. Without giving further instructions on who should act in his absence, he went into isolation for six weeks, unreachable by phone, on an isolated chalet. According to Dr. Toh Chin Chye, the parliament hung in "suspended animation" until the sitting in December that year.
In his memoirs, Lee said that he was unable to sleep. Upon learning of Lee's condition from the British High Commissioner to Singapore, John Robb, the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, expressed concern, in response to which Lee replied:
Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. We will weigh all possible consequences before we make any move on the political chessboard.
Lee began to seek international recognition of Singapore's independence. Singapore joined the United Nations on 21 September 1965, and founded the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967 with four other South-East Asian countries. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia on 25 May 1973, just a few years after the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation under Sukarno's regime. Relations between Singapore and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between the two countries.
Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate even though Malay was the dominant language at that time. Together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to create a unique Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s—one which heavily recognised racial consciousness within the umbrella of multiculturalism.
Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For example, Lee warned against "insensitive evangelisation", by which he referred to instances of Christian proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974 the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop publishing religious material in Malay.
The vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources including the communists and Indonesia with its confrontational stance. Adding to this vulnerability was the impending withdrawal of British forces from East of Suez. As Singapore gained admission to the United Nations, Lee quickly sought international recognition of Singapore's independence. He appointed Goh Keng Swee as Minister for the Interior and Defence to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and requested help from other countries, particularly Israel and Taiwan, for advice, training and facilities. In 1967, Lee introduced conscription for all able-bodied male Singaporean citizens age 18 to serve National Service (NS) either in the SAF, Singapore Police Force or the Singapore Civil Defence Force. By 1971, Singapore had 17 national service battalions (16,000 men) with 14 battalions (11,000 men) in the reserves. In 1975, Lee convinced then-Premier Chiang Ching-kuo of Taiwan (ROC) to permit Singaporean troops to train in Taiwan, under the codename "Exercise Starlight".
One of Lee's most urgent tasks upon Singapore's independence was to address high unemployment. Together with his economic aide, Economic Development Board chairman Hon Sui Sen, and in consultation with Dutch economist Albert Winsemius, Lee set up factories and initially focused on the manufacturing industry. Before the British completely withdrew from Singapore in 1971, Lee also persuaded the British not to destroy their dock and had the British naval dockyard later converted for civilian use.
Eventually, Lee and his cabinet decided the best way to boost Singapore's economy was to attract foreign investments from multinational corporations (MNCs). By establishing First World infrastructure and standards in Singapore, the new nation could attract American, Japanese and European entrepreneurs and professionals to set up base there. By the 1970s, the arrival of MNCs like Texas Instruments, Hewlett-Packard and General Electric laid the foundations, turning Singapore into a major electronics exporter the following decade. Workers were frequently retrained to familiarise themselves with the work systems and cultures of foreign companies. The government also started several new industries, such as steel mills under 'National Iron and Steel Mills', service industries like Neptune Orient Lines, and the Singapore Airlines.
Lee and his cabinet also worked to establish Singapore as an international financial centre. Foreign bankers were assured of the reliability of Singapore's social conditions, with top-class infrastructure and skilled professionals, and investors were made to understand that the Singapore government would pursue sound macroeconomic policies, with budget surpluses, leading to a stable valued Singapore dollar.
Throughout the tenure of his office, Lee placed great importance on developing the economy, and his attention to detail on this aspect went even to the extent of connecting it with other facets of Singapore, including the country's extensive and meticulous tending of its international image of being a "Garden City", something that has been sustained to this day.
Lee introduced legislation giving the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income-tax returns of suspected persons and their families. Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest government. On 21 November 1986, Lee received a complaint of corruption against then Minister for National Development Teh Cheang Wan. Lee was against corruption and he authorised the CPIB to carry out investigations on Teh, but Teh committed suicide before any charges could be pressed against him. In 1994, he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talent to serve in the public sector.
In the late 1960s, fearing that Singapore's growing population might overburden the developing economy, Lee started a "Stop at Two" family planning campaign. Couples were urged to undergo sterilisation after their second child. Third or fourth children were given lower priorities in education and such families received fewer economic rebates.
In 1983, Lee sparked the "Great Marriage Debate" when he encouraged Singapore men to choose highly educated women as wives. He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were unmarried. Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views.Nevertheless, a match-making agency, the Social Development Unit (SDU), was set up to promote socialising among men and women graduates. In the Graduate Mothers Scheme, Lee also introduced incentives such as tax rebates, schooling, and housing priorities for graduate mothers who had three or four children, in a reversal of the over-successful "Stop at Two" family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s.
Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by the views of Lee, who had questioned that perhaps the campaign for women's rights had been too successful:
Equal employment opportunities, yes, but we shouldn't get our women into jobs where they cannot, at the same time, be mothers...our most valuable asset is in the ability of our people, yet we are frittering away this asset through the unintended consequences of changes in our education policy and equal career opportunities for women. This has affected their traditional role ... as mothers, the creators and protectors of the next generation.
The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 percent against the PAP government in the 1984 general election. In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women were eventually abandoned or modified.
By the late 1990s, the birth rate had fallen so low that Lee's successor Goh Chok Tong extended these incentives to all married women, and gave even more incentives, such as the "baby bonus" scheme.
One of Lee's abiding beliefs was in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning. In his autobiography The Singapore Story, Lee described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that he was caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He wrote: "I bent over a chair and was given three of the best with my trousers on. I did not think he lightened his strokes. I have never understood why Western educationists are so much against corporal punishment. It did my fellow students and me no harm".
Lee's government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope. Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding range of crimes. By 1993, it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42. Those routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993 and to 6,404 in 2007.
School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and is still in use in schools, permitted under legislation from 1957. Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed Forces, and Singapore is one of the few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official penalty in military discipline.
Water resources in Singapore
Singapore has traditionally relied on water from Malaysia. However, this reliance has made Singapore subject to the possibility of price increases and allowed Malaysian officials to use the water reliance as political leverage by threatening to cut off supply. To reduce this problem, Lee decided to experiment with water recycling in 1974.
Senior Minister (1990–2004)
After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh Chok Tong. At that point in time he had become the world's longest-serving prime minister. This was the first leadership transition since independence. Goh was elected as the new Prime Minister by the younger ministers then in office.
When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister and played a role he described as advisory. In public, Lee would refer to Goh as "my Prime Minister", in deference to Goh's authority.
Lee subsequently stepped down as Secretary-General of the PAP and was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong on 2 December 1992.
Minister Mentor (2004–2011)
From the decade of the 2000s, Lee expressed concern about the declining proficiency of Mandarin among younger Chinese Singaporeans. In one of his parliamentary speeches, he said: "Singaporeans must learn to juggle English and Mandarin". Subsequently, in December 2004, Lee stepped down to become minister mentor and started a year-long campaign called "华语 Cool!" (Mandarin is Cool!) in an attempt to attract young viewers to learn and speak Mandarin.
In June 2005, Lee published a book, Keeping My Mandarin Alive, documenting his decades of effort to master Mandarin, a language that he said he had to re-learn due to disuse:
[B]ecause I don't use it so much, therefore it gets disused and there's language loss. Then I have to revive it. It's a terrible problem because learning it in adult life, it hasn't got the same roots in your memory.
On 13 September 2008, Lee underwent successful treatment for abnormal heart rhythm (atrial flutter) at Singapore General Hospital, but he was still able to address a philanthropy forum via video link from hospital. On 28 September 2010, he was hospitalised for a chest infection, cancelling plans to attend the wake of the Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Balaji Sadasivan.
In November 2010, Lee's private conversations with James Steinberg, US Deputy Secretary of State, on 30 May 2009 were among the US Embassy cables leaked by WikiLeaks. In a US Embassy report classified as "Secret", Lee gave his assessment of a number of Asian leaders and views on political developments in North Asia, including implications for nuclear proliferation.
In January 2011, the Straits Times Press published the book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths To Keep Singapore Going. Targeted at younger Singaporeans, it was based on 16 interviews with Lee by seven local journalists in 2008–2009. The first print run of 45,000 copies sold out in less than a month after it was launched in January 2011. Another batch of 55,000 copies was made available shortly after.
After the 2011 general elections in which the Workers' Party, a major opposition political party in Singapore, made unprecedented gains by winning a Group Representation Constituency (GRC), Lee announced that he decided to leave the Cabinet for the Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, and his team to have a clean slate. Analysts such as Citigroup economist Kit Wei Zheng believed that the senior Lee had contributed to the PAP's poor performance. In particular, he stated during the election campaign that the voters of Aljunied constituency had "five years to live and repent" if they voted for the Workers' Party, which was said to have backfired for the PAP as the opposition went on to win Aljunied.
In a column in the Sunday Times on 6 November 2011, Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, revealed that her father suffered from peripheral neuropathy. In the column, she recounted how she first noticed her father's ailments when she accompanied him to meet the former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Connecticut in October 2009. Wei Ling, a neurologist, "did a few simple neurological tests and decided the nerves to his legs were not working as they should". A day later, when interviewed at a constituency tree-planting event, Lee stated: "I have no doubt at all that this has not affected my mind, my will nor my resolve" and that "people in wheel chairs can make a contribution. I've still got two legs, I will make a contribution".
Malaysia and Mahathir Mohamad
Lee looked forward to improving relationships with Mahathir Mohamad upon the latter's promotion to Deputy Prime Minister. Knowing that Mahathir was in line to become the next Prime Minister of Malaysia, Lee invited Mahathir (through Singapore President Devan Nair) to visit Singapore in 1978. The first and subsequent visits improved both personal and diplomatic relationships between them. Then UMNO's Secretary-General Mahathir asked Lee to cut off all links with Democratic Action Party; in exchange, Mahathir undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Malay Singaporeans.
In June 1988, Lee and Mahathir reached an agreement in Kuala Lumpur to build the Linggui dam on the Johor River. Lee said he had made more progress solving bilateral issues with Dr Mahathir from 1981 to 1990 than in the previous 12 years with the latter’s two predecessors, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Hussein Onn. Mahathir ordered the lifting of the ban on the export of construction materials to Singapore in 1981, agreed to sort out Malaysia’s claim to Pedra Branca island and affirmed it would honour the 1962 Water Agreement.
One day before Lee left office in November 1990, Malaysia and Singapore signed the Malaysia–Singapore Points of Agreement of 1990. Malayan Railways (KTM) would vacate the Tanjong Pagar railway station and move to Bukit Timah while all KTM's land between Bukit Timah and Tanjong Pagar would revert to Singapore. Railway land at Tanjong Pagar would be handed over to a private limited company for joint development of which its equity would be split 60% to Malaysia and 40% to Singapore. However, Prime Minister Mahathir expressed his displeasure with the POA as it failed to include a piece of railway land in Bukit Timah for joint development in 1993. It was only in 2010 when the matter was resolved under Malaysia's Najib Razak and Lee's son, Lee Hsien Loong.
Following Lee's death, Mahathir posted a blog post that suggested his respect for Lee despite their differences, stating that while "I am afraid on most other issues we could not agree [...] [h]is passage marks the end of the period when those who fought for independence lead their countries and knew the value of independence. ASEAN lost a strong leadership after President Suharto and Lee Kuan Yew".
Lee fully supported the USA in the Vietnam War. Even as the war began to lose its popularity in the United States, Lee made his first official visit to the United States in October 1967, and declared to President Lyndon B. Johnson that his support for the war in Vietnam was "unequivocal". Lee saw the war as necessary for states in Southeast Asia like Singapore to buy time for stabilizing their governments and economies. Lee cultivated close relationships with presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, as well as former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger and George Shultz. In 1967 Nixon, who was running for president in 1968, visited Singapore and met with Lee, who advised that the United States had much to gain by engaging with China, culminating in Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China.
In October 1985, Lee made a state visit to the United States on the invitation of President Reagan and addressed a joint session of the United States Congress. Lee stressed to Congress the importance of free trade and urged it not to turn towards protectionism.
It is inherent in America's position as the preeminent economic, political and military power to have to settle and uphold the rules for orderly change and progress... In the interests of peace and security America must uphold the rules of international conduct which rewards peaceful cooperative behaviour and punishes transgressions of the peace. A replay of the depression of the 1930s, which led to World War II, will be ruinous for all. All the major powers of the West share the responsibility of not repeating this mistake. But America's is the primary responsibility, for she is the anchor economy of the free- market economies of the world.
In May 1988, E. Mason "Hank" Hendrickson was serving as the First Secretary of the United States Embassy when he was expelled by the Singapore government. The Singapore government alleged that Hendrickson attempted to interfere in Singapore's internal affairs by cultivating opposition figures in a "Marxist conspiracy". Then-First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong claimed that Hendrickson's alleged conspiracy could have resulted in the election of 20 or 30 opposition politicians to Parliament, which in his words could lead to "horrendous" effects, possibly even the paralysis and fall of the Singapore government. In the aftermath of Hendrickson's expulsion, the U.S. State Department praised Hendrickson's performance in Singapore and denied any impropriety in his actions. The State Department also expelled Robert Chua, a senior-level Singaporean diplomat equal in rank to Hendrickson, from Washington, D.C. in response. The State Department's refusal to reprimand Hendrickson, along with its expulsion of the Singaporean diplomat, sparked a rare protest in Singapore by the National Trades Union Congress; they drove buses around the U.S. embassy, held a rally attended by four thousand workers, and issued a statement deriding the U.S. as "sneaky, arrogant, and untrustworthy".
Singapore did not establish diplomatic relations with China until the USA and Southeast Asian had decided they wanted to do so in order to avoid portraying a pro-China bias. His official visits to China starting in 1976 were conducted in English, to assure other countries that he represented Singapore, and not a "Third China" (the first two being the Republic of China and People's Republic of China).
In November 1978, after China had stabilized following political turmoil in the aftermath of Mao Zedong's death and the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping visited Singapore and met Lee. Deng, who was very impressed with Singapore's economic development, greenery and housing, and later sent tens of thousands of Chinese to Singapore and countries around the world to learn from their experiences and bring back their knowledge as part of the opening of China beginning in December 1978. Lee, on the other hand, advised Deng to stop exporting Communist ideologies to Southeast Asia, advice that Deng later followed. This culminated in the exchange of Trade Offices between the two nations in September 1981. In 1985, commercial air services between mainland China and Singapore commenced and China appointed Goh Keng Swee, Singapore's finance minister in the post-independence years, as advisor on the development of Special Economic Zones.
On 3 October 1990, Singapore revised diplomatic relations from the Republic of China to the People's Republic of China.
In December 2018, China conferred a posthumous China Reform Friendship Medal on Lee for his "critical role in promoting Singapore's participation in China's reform journey". In former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping's southern tour, he urged Chinese leaders to learn from the Singapore model. Alan Chan Heng Loon, Singapore-China Foundation chairman and Lee's chief private secretary, said that Mr. Lee's administration did a lot to build China-Singapore ties.
Lee opposed the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978. The Singapore government organised an international campaign to condemn Vietnam and provided aid to the Khmer Rouge which was fighting against Vietnamese occupation during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War from 1978 to 1989. In his memoirs, Lee recounted that in 1982, "Singapore gave the first few hundreds of several batches of AK-47 rifles, hand grenades, ammunition and communication equipment" to the Khmer Rouge resistance forces.
Illness and death
|State funeral service for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew on 29 March 2015, Prime Minister's Office|
On 15 February 2013, Lee was admitted to Singapore General Hospital after suffering a prolonged cardiac dysrhythmia which was followed by a brief stoppage of blood flow to the brain. For the first time in his career as a politician, Lee missed the annual Chinese New Year dinner at his Tanjong Pagar Constituency, where he was supposed to be the guest-of-honour. He was subsequently discharged, but continued to receive anti-coagulant therapy.
The following year, Lee missed his constituency's Chinese New Year dinner for the second consecutive time owing to bodily bacterial invasion. In April 2014, a photo depicting a cadaverous Lee was released online, drawing strong reactions from netizens.
On 5 February 2015, suffering from pneumonia, Lee was hospitalised and was put on a ventilator at the intensive care unit of Singapore General Hospital, although his condition was reported initially as "stable". A 26 February update stated that he was again being given antibiotics, while being sedated and still under mechanical ventilation. From 17 to 22 March, Lee continued weakening as he suffered an infection while on life support, and he was described as "critically ill".
On 18 March that year, a death hoax website reported false news of Lee's death. The suspect is an unidentified minor who created a false webpage that resembled the PMO official website. Several international news organisations reported on Lee's death based on this and later retracted their statements.
On 23rd of that same month, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced his father's death at the age of 91. Lee had died at 03:18 Singapore Standard Time (UTC+08:00). A week of national mourning took place, during which time Lee was lying in state at Parliament house. During this time, 1.7 million Singaporean residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at Parliament house and community tribute sites throughout the country. A state funeral for Lee was held on 29th of that same month and attended by world leaders. Later that day, Lee was cremated in a private ceremony at the Mandai Crematorium.
As Singapore's Prime Minister from 1959 to 1990, Lee presided over many of Singapore's advancements. Singapore's Gross National Product per capita rose from $1,240 in 1959 to $18,437 in 1990. The unemployment rate in Singapore dropped from 13.5% in 1959 to 1.7% in 1990. External trade increased from $7.3 billion in 1959 to $205 billion in 1990. In other areas, the life expectancy at birth for Singaporeans rose from 65 years at 1960 to 74 years in 1990. The population of Singapore increased from 1.6 million in 1959 to 3 million in 1990. The number of public flats in Singapore rose from 22,975 in 1959 (then under the Singapore Improvement Trust) to 667,575 in 1990. The Singaporean literacy rate increased from 52% in 1957 to 90% in 1990. Telephone lines per 100 Singaporeans increased from 3 in 1960 to 38 in 1990. Visitor arrivals to Singapore rose from 100,000 in 1960 to 5.3 million in 1990.
During the three decades in which Lee held office, Singapore grew from a developing country to one of the most developed nations in Asia. Lee said that Singapore's only natural resources are its people and their strong work ethic.
Lee's achievements in Singapore had a profound effect on the Communist leadership in China, who made a major effort, especially under Deng Xiaoping, to emulate his policies of economic growth, entrepreneurship and subtle suppression of dissent. Over 22,000 Chinese officials were sent to Singapore to study its methods. He has also had a major influence on thinking in Russia in recent years.
Other world leaders also praised Lee. Henry Kissinger once wrote of Lee: "One of the asymmetries of history is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries." Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher praised "his way of penetrating the fog of propaganda and expressing with unique clarity the issues of our time and the way to tackle them".
On the other hand, many Singaporeans and Westerners have criticised Lee as authoritarian and as intolerant of dissent, citing his numerous attempts to sue political opponents and newspapers who express unfavourable opinions of Lee. Reporters Without Borders, an international media pressure group, requested Lee and other senior Singaporean officials to stop taking libel suits against journalists.
In addition, Lee was accused of promoting a culture of elitism among Singapore's ruling class. Michael Barr in his book The Ruling Elite of Singapore: Networks of Influence and Power claims that the system of meritocracy in Singapore is not quite how the government presents it; rather, it is a system of nepotism and collusion run by Lee's family and their crony friends and allies. Barr claims further that although the government presents the city-state as multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan, all the networks are dominated by ethnic Chinese, leaving the minority Malay and Indian ethnic groups powerless. According to Barr, the entire process of selecting and grooming of future political and economic talent is monopolised in the hands of the ruling People's Action Party, which Lee himself founded with a handful of other British-educated ethnic Chinese that he met in his days at Cambridge.
Action against Far Eastern Economic Review
In April 1977, just months after a general election which saw the People's Action Party winning all 69 seats, the Internal Security Department, under orders from Lee, detained Ho Kwon Ping, the Singapore correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review, as well as his predecessor Arun Senkuttavan, over their reporting. Ho was detained under the Internal Security Act which allows for indefinite trial, held in solitary confinement for two months, and charged with endangering national security. Following a televised confession in which Ho confessed to "pro-communist activities", he was fined $3,000. Lee Kuan Yew later charged FEER editor, Derek Davies, of participating in "a diabolical international Communist plot" to poison relations between Singapore and neighbouring Malaysia.
In 1987 Lee restricted sale of the Review in Singapore after it published an article about the detention of Roman Catholic church workers, reducing circulation of the magazine from 9,000 to 500 copies, on the grounds that it was "interfering in the domestic politics of Singapore."
On 24 September 2008 the High Court of Singapore, in a summary judgment by Justice Woo Bih Li, ruled that the Far Eastern Economic Review magazine (Hugo Restall, editor), defamed Lee and his son, the Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong. The court found the 2006 article "Singapore's 'Martyr': Chee Soon Juan" suggested that Lee "ha[d] been running and continue[d] to run Singapore in the same corrupt manner as Durai operated [the National Kidney Foundation] and he ha[d] been using libel actions to suppress those who would question [him] to avoid exposure of his corruption". The court ordered the Review, owned by Dow Jones & Company (in turn owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corp), to pay damages to the complainants. The magazine appealed but lost.
Action against J.B. Jeyaretnam
Lee commenced proceedings for slander against opposition leader J.B. Jeyaretnam for comments he made at a Workers' Party rally in the 1988 general election. Lee alleged that Jeyaretnam's speech at the rally implied he had tried to cover up the corruption of the former Minister for National Development, Teh Cheang Wan, by aiding and abetting his suicide. The action was heard by Justice Lai Kew Chai, who ruled against Jeyaretnam and ordered him to pay damages of S$260,000 plus costs to Lee. Jeyaretnam lost an appeal against the judgment.
Action against Devan Nair
In 1999, the former Singaporean President Devan Nair who was living in Canada, remarked in an interview with the Toronto The Globe and Mail that Lee's technique of suing his opponents into bankruptcy or oblivion was an abrogation of political rights. He also described Lee as "an increasingly self-righteous know-all" surrounded by "department store dummies". In response to these remarks, Lee sued Nair in a Canadian court and Nair countersued. Lee then brought a motion to have Nair's counterclaim thrown out of court. Lee argued that Nair's counterclaim disclosed no reasonable cause of action and constituted an inflammatory attack on the integrity of the Singapore government. However, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice refused to throw out Nair's counterclaim, holding that Lee had abused the litigating process and therefore Nair had a reasonable cause of action.
International Herald Tribune defamation case
In 2010 Lee, together with his son Lee Hsien Loong, and Goh Chok Tong, threatened legal action against The New York Times Company, which owns the International Herald Tribune, regarding an Op-Ed piece titled "All in the Family" of 15 February 2010 by Philip Bowring, a freelance columnist and former editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review. The International Herald Tribune apologised in March that readers of the article may "infer that the younger Lee did not achieve his position through merit". The New York Times Company and Bowring also agreed to pay S$60,000 to Lee Hsien Loong, S$50,000 to Lee and S$50,000 to Goh (totalling about US$114,000 at the time), in addition to legal costs. The case stemmed from a 1994 settlement between the three Singaporean leaders and the paper about an article, also by Bowring, that referred to "dynastic politics" in East Asian countries, including Singapore. In that settlement, Bowring agreed not to say or imply that the younger Lee had attained his position through nepotism by his father Lee Kuan Yew. In response, media-rights watchdog Reporters Without Borders wrote an open letter to urge Lee and other top officials of the Singapore government to stop taking "libel actions" against journalists.
On 15 September 2006, at the Raffles Forum hosted by the School of Public Policy, Lee Kuan Yew made remarks about "Malaysian and Indonesian governments systematically marginalize Chinese people", which caused a diplomatic disturbance with neighboring Malaysia and Indonesia. When Lee Kuan Yew mentioned Singapore's relations with Indonesia and Malaysia on the forum, he said that former Indonesian President Yusuf Habibi once described Singapore as a "little red dot" surrounded by a green ocean, and the little red dot is forcing Singapore, like Indonesia. Like the Chinese in China, they obeyed his words. He then described the systematic marginalization of the Chinese in Malaysia, which aroused a strong response from the Malaysian and Indian governments. Politicians in Malaysia and Indonesia expressed dissatisfaction with this, and demanded Singapore to explain and apologize for Lee Kuan Yew's remarks. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticized Lee Kuan Yew for his arrogance and disrespect for neighboring countries, and countered that Malaysia could also question Singapore's marginalization of local Malays. Former Indonesian President B. J. Habibie described the "little red dot" as an incentive for Indonesian youth to learn from Singapore, but the original intention was distorted. On 30 September, Lee Kuan Yew apologized to Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi for his remarks, but he did not retract his remarks.
Alarmed that Singapore's fertility rate was falling precipitously low, Lee launched the Graduate Mothers' Scheme in 1983, giving tax deductions for children to women with university degrees, and priority in admission to primary schools to graduate mothers with 3 or more children.
In his speech at the 1983 National Day Rally, Lee said, "If you don't include your women graduates in your breeding pool and leave them on the shelf, you would end up a more stupid society... So what happens? There will be less bright people to support dumb people in the next generation. That's a problem."
"If we continue to respond ourselves in this lopsided manner we will be unable to maintain our present standards," he added. "Levels of competence will decline. Our economy will falter, the administration will suffer, and society will decline.., for every two college graduates in 25 years' time there will be one graduate and for every two uneducated workers there will be three."
In June 1984, Lee's government rolled out grants for low income and low education women to undergo sterilisation. If a woman and her husband had no O-level passes and fewer than 3 children, the woman could receive a $10,000 grant for undergoing sterilization. Sterilized lower-class parents were also given priority primary school admission for their existing first and second children. The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 percent against the People's Action Party in the general election held later that year. In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women were eventually abandoned or modified.
In 1999, in a discussion forum, Lee Kuan Yew was asked whether the emotional bonds of various ethnic groups in Singapore could be a hurdle to nation building, Lee replied: "Yes, I think so, over a long period of time, and selectively. We must not make an error. If, for instance, you put in a Malay officer who's very religious and who has family ties in Malaysia in charge of a machine-gun unit, that's a very tricky business. We've got to know his background. I'm saying these things because they are real, and if I don't think that, and I think even if today the Prime Minister doesn't think carefully about this, we could have a tragedy. So, these are problems which, as poly students, you're colour-blind to, but when you face life in reality, it's a different proposition".
In 2011, WikiLeaks published diplomatic cables attributing controversial comments on Islam to Lee. WikiLeaks quoted Lee as having described Islam as a "venomous religion". Lee called the remarks "false" and looked up to MFA's filenote of meeting and found no record of the claim, stating: "I did talk about extremist terrorists like the Jemaah Islamiyah group, and the jihadist preachers who brainwashed them. They are implacable in wanting to put down all who do not agree with them. So their Islam is a perverted version, which the overwhelming majority of Muslims in Singapore do not subscribe to". He added that "Singapore Muslim leaders were rational and that the ultimate solution to extremist terrorism was to give moderate Muslims the courage to stand up and speak out against radicals who hijacked Islam to recruit volunteers for their violent ends".
In Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going, Lee stated that Singaporean Muslims faced difficulties in integrating because of their religion, and urged them to "be less strict on Islamic observances". His remarks drew fire from Malay/Muslim leaders and MPs in Singapore, prompting a strong reaction from his son Lee Hsien Loong, the Prime Minister at that time, who said "My views on Muslims’ integration in Singapore differed from the Minister Mentor's. Muslims are a valued and respected community, who have done a good deal to strengthen our harmony and social cohesion." Lee Kuan Yew then told the media "I made this one comment on the Muslims integrating with other communities probably two or three years ago. Ministers and MPs, both Malay and non-Malay, have since told me that Singapore Malays have indeed made special efforts to integrate with the other communities, especially since 9/11, and that my call is out of date." Subsequently, he added: "I stand corrected. I hope that this trend will continue in the future."
While the People's Action Party remains reluctant to strike down Section S377A of the Singapore Penal Code which criminalises sex between mutually consenting men, Lee appeared to be supportive of LGBT issues, stating his belief on multiple occasions in his later years that gay people should not be persecuted because homosexuality was a "genetic variance".
In response to a question from the youth wing of the PAP in 2007, Lee said, “This business of homosexuality. It raises tempers all over the world, and even in America. If in fact it is true, and I’ve asked doctors this, that you are genetically born a homosexual, because that is the nature of genetic random transmission of genes. You can’t help it. So why should we criminalise it?... But there is such a strong inhibition in all societies – Christianity, Islam, even the Hindu, Chinese societies. And we’re now confronted with a persisting aberration, but is it an aberration? It’s a genetic variation. So what do we do? I think we pragmatically adjust.”
Four years later, in an interview granted to journalists for the book “Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going”, Lee was asked if he thought homosexuality was a lifestyle or genetic. He said, "No, it’s not a lifestyle. You can read the books all you want, all the articles. There’s a genetic difference, so it’s not a matter of choice. They are born that way and that’s that. So if two men or two women are that way, just leave them alone."
Asked how he would feel if one of his children came out to him, Lee said, "That’s life. They’re born with that genetic code, that’s that. Dick Cheney didn’t like gays but his daughter was born like that. He says, 'I still love her, full stop.' It’s happened to his family. So on principle he’s against it, but it’s his daughter. Do you throw the daughter out? That’s life. I mean none of my children is gay, but if they were, well that’s that."
Saying he took a "purely practical view" on the issue, Lee said, "Look, homosexuality will eventually be accepted. It’s already been accepted in China. It’s only a matter of time before it is accepted here. If we get a Cabinet full of Christians, we’re going to get an intolerant Cabinet. We’re not going to allow that.”
Asked whether Singapore was ready for a gay member of parliament, Lee said, "As far as I’m concerned, if she does her work as an MP, she looks after her constituents, she makes sensible speeches, she’s making a contribution, her private life is her life, that’s that."
In a wide-ranging interview conducted on 24 August 2007 at the Istana with Leonard M. Apcar, deputy managing editor of the International Herald Tribune, Singapore correspondent Wayne Arnold, and Southeast Asia bureau chief Seth Mydans, Lee said, "we take an ambiguous position. We say, O.K., leave them alone but let's leave the law as it is for the time being and let's have no gay parades."
“Don't ask, don't tell?” asked the reporters. "Yes, we've got to go the way the world is going. China has already allowed and recognized gays, so have Hong Kong and Taiwan," Lee responded. "It's a matter of time. But we have a part Muslim population, another part conservative older Chinese and Indians. So, let's go slowly. It's a pragmatic approach to maintain social cohesion."
In 2006, artist-writer Jason Wee presented Self-Portrait (No More Tears Mr. Lee), a portrait of Lee made from 8,000 plastic shampoo bottle caps placed on an angled pedestal. The title references Johnson & Johnson's baby shampoo and the iconic 1965 moment when Lee cried on TV while announcing Singapore's separation from Malaysia. Wee won a $5,000 Singapore Art Exhibition cash prize for being the voters' choice.
In 2009, artist Richard Lim Han presented Singapore Guidance Angel, a solo exhibition of Lee portraits at Forth Gallery. In the same year, comics artist and painter Sonny Liew depicted Lee as part of the series Eric Khoo is a Hotel Magnate at Mulan Gallery and freelance designer, Christopher "Treewizard" Pereira, began making caricature figurines of Lee which range from 12 cm to 30 cm.
In 2010, Valentine Willie Fine Art gallery asked 19 local artists to imagine a future without Lee. The resulting exhibition, Beyond LKY, included artist Jimmy Ong's triptych of Lee as a father figure looming over a tiny kneeling figure with the words, "Papa can you hear me", scrawled across the watercolours; an installation of a broken piano with a tape recorder playing a crackling version of Singapore's National Anthem by multi-disciplinary artist Zai Kuning; white ceramic chains hanging on a wall by ceramic artist Jason Lim; and an installation of hammers smashed together by artist Tang Da Wu.
In the same year, Objectifs Gallery curated MM I Love You, a group exhibition featuring the works of Jason Wee, Ho Tzu Nyen, Amanda Heng, Tan Pin Pin and Bryan Van Der Beek. The exhibition's title references Lee's former position as Minister Mentor and also the idea of "modern mythology". Artist Ong Hui Har's Harry exhibition at The Arts House featured pop art paintings of Lee in his youth.
Away from Singapore, Korean artist Kim Dong Yoo depicted Lee in Lee Kuan Yew & Queen Elizabeth II (2010), an oil-on-canvas portrait of Lee using small images of Queen Elizabeth II’s head, a reference to Singapore being a former British colony and current member of the Commonwealth. Chinese artist Ren Zhenyu has also created expressionist portraits of Lee in electric hues such as shocking pink and lime green as part of his Pop and Politics series, while Vietnamese artist Mai Huy Dung crafted a series of oil painting portraits of Lee In addition, Bruneian painter Huifong Ng was discovered after painting a portrait of Lee and Ukrainian artist Oleg Lazarenko depicted Lee as part of his painting Lion of Singapore. Indian-Swiss novelist Meira Chand's A Different Sky, published by UK's Harvill Secker in 2010, features Lee in his early years as a lawyer and co-founder of the People's Action Party.
In 2011, the iris image of Lee's eye was captured and artistically rendered to resemble a sand art gallery piece. His eye image with his autograph was auctioned off to raise funds for the Singapore Eye Research Institute.
In 2012, urban artist Samantha Lo (SKL0) depicted Lee in her controversial Limpeh series, featuring his image in Shepard Fairey-inspired stickers, mirrors and collages.
In 2013, poet Cyril Wong published The Dictator's Eyebrow, a thinly veiled and surreal collection revolving around a Lee-like figure and his eyebrow's thirst for recognition and power. In the same year, a group of Tamil poets from three countries, including Singapore Literature Prize winner Ramanathan Vairavan, produced Lee Kuan Yew 90, a collection of 90 new poems celebrating Lee's legacy. Artist Sukeshi Sondhi also staged An Icon & A Legend, a solo exhibition at ArtOne21 featuring about 20 pop art style paintings of Lee. Speed painter Brad Blaze was commissioned to craft a portrait of Lee, Trailblazer: Singapore, to raise funds for Reach Community Services Society. In August, a bronze bust of Lee, cast by contemporary French artist-sculptor Nacera Kainou, was unveiled at the Singapore University of Technology and Design as an early birthday present to Lee from the Lyon-Singapore Association and the municipality of Lyon.
In February 2014, artist Boo Sze Yang presented The Father at iPreciation Gallery, a solo exhibition featuring eight oil-on-canvas portraits of Lee in unconventional settings, like an embellished throne or a scene that depicts the Last Supper. In regard to his opinion of Lee, Boo was quoted as saying, "I look at him as how I would look at my own father, a powerful and distant figure for whom I have mixed feelings – a lot of gratitude, but also doubt."
In May 2014, illustrator Patrick Yee produced the children's picture book A Boy Named Harry: The Childhood of Lee Kuan Yew, published by Epigram Books. The series was later translated into Mandarin. Yee joined Lawrence Koh of Growing Up with Lee Kuan Yew on a panel named "A Different Side of the Man" at the 2014 Singapore Writers Festival.
In July 2014, it was reported that photographers Samuel He and Sam Chin were on the search for people with the same name as Lee for an upcoming book project. As of March 2016, three people had been found, including Lee Kuang Yeo, a former fish farmer, who shares the same Chinese name as Lee.
At the 2014 Singapore Toy, Game and Comic Convention in September, artist Chan Shiuan presented Lee Kuan Yew Cosplay, a series of caricatures of Lee as five fictional characters – from X-Men's Magneto to Star Wars' Yoda. She was later quoted as saying of her popular series, "Mr Lee is an intriguing and well-known local personality, and I thought it could be interesting to do a mash-up with other well-known fictional characters. [...] It was an attempt to do something heartfelt and different with a local flavour".
In October 2014, cartoonist Morgan Chua released LKY: Political Cartoons, an anthology of cartoons about Lee published by Epigram Books, featuring a 1971 Singapore Herald cartoon of Lee on a tank threatening to crush a baby representing press freedoms that reportedly caused the newspaper's shutdown. The Madame Tussauds Singapore museum also unveiled a wax figure of Lee and his late wife, Madam Kwa Geok Choo seated and smiling together against a backdrop of red flowers formed in the shape of two hearts. The statues were created based on a photograph that was taken by Madam Kwa's niece, Ms Kwa Kim Li, of the pair on Valentine's Day in 2008 at Sentosa. Another wax figure of Lee Kuan Yew is also unveiled in Madame Tussauds Hong Kong. In addition, Cultural Medallion recipient Tan Swie Hian completed a painting of Lee and his late wife titled A Couple. The painting, which took Tan five years to complete, was partially damaged by a fire in 2013. It depicts Lee and Kwa in their youth, is based on a 1946 black-and-white photograph of the couple in Cambridge University, and incorporates in its background Tan's poem in memory of Kwa. A Couple was purchased by art collector Wu Hsioh Kwang.
In November 2014, Math Paper Press published A Luxury We Cannot Afford, a poetry anthology named after Lee's infamous saying: "Poetry is a luxury we cannot afford. [...] What is important for pupils is not literature, but a philosophy of life". The book, edited by Christine Chia and Joshua Ip, features poems by Edwin Thumboo, Robert Yeo, Alfian Sa'at and others about Lee.
In 2015, American painter Lee Waisler unveiled his portrait of Lee. The mixed-media-on-canvas piece was exhibited at Sundaram Tagore Gallery in Singapore's Gillman Barracks.
At Art Stage Singapore 2015, Singapore's Art Plural Gallery presented a solo exhibition by Chinese artist Nan Qi, comprising a selection of intricate ink paintings of politicians, including a series of portraits of Lee. Also in January, at the M1 Singapore Fringe Festival organised by The Necessary Stage, artist-writer Jason Wee presented Mambo Night for a King. The online exhibition consisted of performances by Singaporeans doing moves from Mambo Jambo theme nights at Zouk to texts drawn from Lee's book From Third World to First: The Singapore Story.
In February 2015, The Business Times' Helmi Yusof reported on how "In the last few years, artworks featuring Lee Kuan Yew have turned into a flourishing cottage industry". These artworks included artist Jeffrey Koh's seven LKY Pez candy-dispenser sculptures (created with Indonesian artist Budi Nugroho) and paintings of Lee created in the manner of Van Gogh's swirly brushstrokes, and Korean sculptor Park Seung Mo's three-dimensional image of Lee made using stainless steel wires for Ode To Art Gallery. In the same month, illustrator Patrick Yee launched the second title in the first picture book series about Lee, called Harry Grows Up: The Early Years of Lee Kuan Yew at an exhibition at the National Library, Singapore.
On 24 March 2015, the National Parks Board named a Singapore Botanic Gardens orchid hybrid called the "Aranda Lee Kuan Yew" in honour of the late Mr Lee for his efforts in launching Singapore's Garden City vision in 1967 and the nationwide tree planting campaign.
In March 2015, Ong Yi Teck created a portrait of Lee by writing Lee's name around 18,000 times over 15 hours. Ong created the A2-sized portrait in tribute to Lee, who was critically ill. The portrait, along with videos detailing the drawing process, went viral on social media. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's wife Ho Ching shared it on Facebook. Days after Lee died, 16-year-old blogger Amos Yee released a video, Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!, which criticised Lee and compared him to Jesus Christ, insulting both their followers. Yee also posted on his blog a stick-figure cartoon depicting Lee having sex with Margaret Thatcher, a personal and political ally of Lee's. For his actions, Yee was respectively charged with insulting religious feelings and obscenity and sentenced to four weeks imprisonment despite his youth.
In April 2015, an exhibition of 300 oil paintings on Lee and Singapore opened at Suntec City. Presented by art collector Vincent Chua, The Singapore Story featured 80 portraits of Lee and a life-size statue of Lee shaking hands with Deng Xiaoping when the Chinese statesman visited Singapore in 1978.
In May 2015, Singapura: The Musical opened at the Capitol Theatre. Previously reported as a musical "about" Lee, Singapura instead only featured an obliquely named character, "Man in White", drifting across the stage. Its creator and composer Ed Gatchalian credited the first volume of Lee's memoirs as the musical's initial inspiration. In the same month, illustrator Patrick Yee released the third title in his best-selling picture book series on Lee, Harry Builds a Nation: The Legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, and comics artist Sonny Liew released the graphic novel The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye, featuring Lee's 1987 Marxist Conspiracy and appearances by Lee and his political rival Lim Chin Siong. Upon its release, the National Arts Council withdrew a $8,000 publishing grant from The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye as it found "the retelling of Singapore's history in the graphic novel potentially undermines the authority of legitimacy of the Government and its public institutions". Liew later exhibited selected original artwork and paintings from The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye at Mulan Gallery to coincide with the launch of the international edition of the graphic novel by Pantheon Books
In July 2015, veteran actor Lim Kay Tong portrayed Lee in the historical film 1965, including a re-enactment of the iconic press conference when Lee announced that Singapore would be separated from Malaysia In the same month, actor Adrian Pang played Lee in The LKY Musical opposite Sharon Au's Kwa Geok Choo, directed by Steven Dexter.
In August 2015, approaching Singapore's 50th National Day, SPH's AsiaOne reported a sand artist depicting Lee in a tribute on YouTube entitled (Sand Art) Touching Tribute to Mr Lee Kuan Yew [SG50 Jubilee]. In the same month, Harper's Bazaar Singapore commissioned artists to commemorate Lee in an LKY Art Tribute. The works included photographer John Clang's "One Minute Silence" self-portrait, painter Boo Sze Yang's "290315" and the free-hand portrait "The Boy from Neil Road" by Milica Bravacic.
In October 2015, sculptor Lim Leong Seng exhibited a 75 cm-tall bronze sculpture he made of Lee based on a historical photograph. Both the sculpture and exhibition are entitled Weathering Storms As One.
In November 2015, the Singaporean Honorary Consulate General in Barcelona, Spain unveiled a bust of Lee at Cap Roig Gardens situated in the Spanish coastal region of Costa Brava. Singapore's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr Vivian Balakrishnan was also in attendance.
In December 2015, veteran movie poster painter Ang Hao Sai launched his exhibition The Art of Singapore, featuring multiple paintings of Lee. In the same month, Phua San San released the children's book What's Inside The Red Box?, inspired by Lee's famous briefcase and published by Straits Times Press. A Chinese version of the best-selling book was published in March 2016, when a reading session led by Minister of State Sam Tan was held to commemorate the first anniversary of Mr Lee's death at a PAP Community Foundation Sparkletots Preschool, whose branches received over 700 sponsored copies of the book.
In 2015, the Asian edition of Time Magazine featured the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew on its cover.
In January 2016, fashion designer turned textile artist Benny Ong, in collaboration with a family of master Laotian weavers, presented The Pioneering Spirit at Raffles Hotel, an exhibition of 21 woven textiles, including the S$10,000 "The Shirt", featuring Lee in his iconic white shirt in the shape of Singapore. In the same month, at Art Stage Singapore, hyper-realist artist M Fadhlil Abdi exhibited The Guardian, an oil-on-canvas portrait of Lee at the Art Xchange Gallery booth. At the same show, Sundaram Tagore Gallery exhibited Lee Waisler's portrait of Lee.
In March 2016, Lee's first death anniversary, self-taught artist Teng Jee Hum published the book Godsmacked (Ethos Books) featuring multiple paintings of Lee and essays by Seng Yu Jin, Jason Wee and Mei Huang. A portrait of Lee made up of 4,877 Singapore flag erasers was also unveiled by his brother Lee Suan Yew at The Red Box. In the same month, Singapore singer-songwriter Reuby released a song he wrote about Lee, "Legendary", dedicating it to him.
He and his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, were married on 30 September 1950. Both spoke English as their first language; Lee first started learning Chinese in 1955, aged 32. During World War II, he had to learn the Japanese language to help him survive, and worked as a Japanese translator during the Japanese occupation of Singapore.
He and Kwa had two sons and a daughter. His elder son Lee Hsien Loong, a former Brigadier-General, became Prime Minister of Singapore in 2004. Several members of the Lee family hold prominent positions in Singaporean society. His younger son Lee Hsien Yang is a former Brigadier-General and former President and chief executive officer (CEO) of SingTel. He was the Chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS). Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, a neurologist and epileptologist, was formerly the director of the National Neuroscience Institute. Lee Hsien Loong's wife, Ho Ching, is the Executive Director and CEO of Temasek Holdings. Kwa Geok Choo died on 2 October 2010.
He identified as a Buddhist in name on several occasions as well as a member of the Buddhist/Taoist community. In his biography "One Man's View of the World", when asked if he would participate in Buddhist rituals, he replied, "Yes, I would. I go through the motions and the rituals. I am not a Christian. I am not a Taoist. I do not belong to any special sect.
Lee has been described as agnostic and stated that he "neither [denies] nor [accepts] that there is a God".
Lee was a member of the Fondation Chirac's honour committee, from the time that the foundation was launched in 2008 by the former French President Jacques Chirac to promote world peace.
Lee was also a member of David Rockefeller's "International Council", along with Henry Kissinger, Riley P. Bechtel, George Shultz and others. Additionally he was one of the "Forbes' Brain Trust", along with Paul Johnson and Ernesto Zedillo.
- Lee received a number of state decorations, including the Order of the Companions of Honour (1970), Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1972), the Freedom of the City of London (1982), the Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor (1984), the Order of Great Leader (1988) and the Order of the Rising Sun (1967).
- In 1999, Lee was named one of Time's Most Influential People of the 20th Century.
- In 2002, Lee became a fellow of Imperial College London in recognition of his promotion of international trade and industry and development of science and engineering study initiatives with the United Kingdom.
- In 2006, Lee was presented with the Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
- In 2007, Lee was conferred an honorary Doctorate in Law at the Australian National University in Canberra, albeit amid protest from 150 students and staff.
- In October 2009, Lee was conferred the first Lifetime Achievement award by the US–Asean Business Council at its 25th anniversary gala dinner in Washington, D.C. His tribute, the former United States Secretary of State and 1973 Nobel Peace Prize winner Henry Kissinger. He met United States President at the Oval Office in the White House a day later, Barack Obama.
- On 15 November 2009, Lee was awarded the Russian Order of Friendship by President Dmitry Medvedev on the sidelines of APEC Singapore 2009.
- On 29 April 2010, Lee was named in the Time 100 list as one of the people who most affect our world.
- On 14 January 2011, Lee received the inaugural Gryphon Award from his alma mater, Raffles Institution, given to illustrious Rafflesians who have made exceptional contributions to the nation.
- On 19 October 2011, Lee received the Lincoln Medal in Washington DC—an honour reserved for people who have exemplified the legacy and character embodied by Abraham Lincoln.
- On 21 February 2012, Lee was conferred the Kazakhstan Order of Friendship by Ambassador Yerlan Baudarbek-Kozhatayev, at the Astana.
- On 10 September 2013, Lee was conferred Russia's Order of Honour by Ambassador Leonid Moiseev for his contributions for forging friendship and co-operation with the Russian Federal and scientific and cultural relations development.
- On 22 May 2014, the title of Honorary Doctor of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was presented by the Russian government to Lee.
- In 2016, Lee was conferred the Order of the Paulownia Flowers. The award was backdated to 23 March 2015, the date of his death.
- Government of Singapore
- Politics of Singapore
- Political positions of Lee Kuan Yew
- Kuan Yew is a transliteration of a dialect word stemming from the Chinese words 光耀 (guāng yào); the Hanyu Pinyin used to romanise the latter word did not exist until 1958.
- Raffles College was reestablished in 1946 after the Japanese occupation and subsequently merged with King Edward VII College of Medicine in 1949 to form the University of Malaya. In 1962, the Singapore branch become an independent unit again as the University of Singapore, before being renamed the National University of Singapore on 6 August 1980. The former college is not to be confused with Raffles Institution which Lee also attended as part of his secondary education.
- In his memoir The Singapore Story, Lee relates that he tried unsuccessfully to drop 'Harry' when being called to the bar at the Middle Temple, but had stopped using the name by then. He succeeded when called to the Singapore bar the following year.
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|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Lee Kuan Yew|
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Lee Kuan Yew.|
|Library resources about |
Lee Kuan Yew
|By Lee Kuan Yew|
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- A Conversation with Lee Kuan Yew, Fareed Zakaria, Foreign Affairs, March–April 1994
- Part 1, Part 2: CNN, Fareed Zakaria talks with Lee Kuan Yew about his life as Prime Minister of Singapore, 22 September 2008
- The short film Interview with Lee Kuan Yew (1967) is available for free download at the Internet Archive
|New office|| Prime Minister of Singapore
Goh Chok Tong
Hon Sui Sen
| Minister for Finance
Title last held byS. Rajaratnam
| Senior Minister
Goh Chok Tong
|New office|| Minister Mentor
|Parliament of Singapore|
|New constituency|| Member of Parliament
for Tanjong Pagar SMC
| Member of Parliament
for Tanjong Pagar GRC
(Tanjong Pagar ward)
|Party political offices|
|New office|| Secretary-General of the People's Action Party
Goh Chok Tong