Jiang Zemin (/ /; Chinese: 江泽民; pinyin: Jiāng Zémín; born 17 August 1926) is a Chinese retired politician who served as General Secretary of the Communist Party from 1989 to 2002, as Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China from 1989 to 2004, and as President of the People's Republic of China from 1993 to 2003. Jiang represented the "core of the third generation" of Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders since 1989.
|General Secretary of the Communist Party of China|
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
|Preceded by||Zhao Ziyang|
|Succeeded by||Hu Jintao|
|President of the People's Republic of China|
27 March 1993 – 15 March 2003
|Vice President||Rong Yiren|
|Preceded by||Yang Shangkun|
|Succeeded by||Hu Jintao|
|Chair of the Central Military Commission|
19 March 1990 – 8 March 2005
9 November 1989 – 19 September 2004
|Preceded by||Deng Xiaoping|
|Succeeded by||Hu Jintao|
|Born||17 August 1926|
Yangzhou, Jiangsu, Republic of China
|Political party||Communist Party of China|
|Mother||Wu Yueqing (吴月清) (1897–1977)|
|Father||Jiang Shijun (江世俊) (1895–1973)|
Central institution membership
Other political offices held
the People's Republic of China
Jiang came to power unexpectedly as a compromise candidate following the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, when he replaced Zhao Ziyang as General Secretary after Zhao was ousted for his support for the student movement. As the involvement of the “Eight Elders” in Chinese politics steadily declined, Jiang consolidated his hold on power to become the "paramount leader" in the country during the 1990s. Urged by Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992 to accelerate "opening up and reform", Jiang officially introduced the term "socialist market economy" in his speech during the 14th National Congress held later that year, ending a period of ideological uncertainty and economic stagnation following 1989.
Under Jiang's leadership, China experienced substantial economic growth with the continuation of market reforms, saw the return of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom in 1997 and Macau from Portugal in 1999 and improved its relations with the outside world, while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the state. However, Jiang was controversially faced criticism over human rights abuses which also led to the crackdown of the Falun Gong movement. His contributions to party doctrine, known as the "Three Represents," were written into the party's constitution in 2002. Jiang vacated the roles of General Secretary and highest-ranking member of the Politburo Standing Committee in 2002, but did not relinquish all of his official leadership titles until 2005, and continued to influence affairs until much later. At the age of 94 years, 316 days, Jiang is the longest-living paramount leader in the history of the PRC, surpassing Deng Xiaoping on 14 February 2019.
Background and ascendancy
Jiang Zemin was born in the city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu, China on 17 August 1926. His ancestral home was the Jiang Village (江村) in Jingde County, Anhui. This was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of Japanese occupation. His uncle, also his foster father, Jiang Shangqing, died fighting the Japanese in World War II and is considered in Jiang Zemin's time to be a national hero. Since Shangqing had no heirs, Shangqing's elder brother, Jiang's biological father Jiang Shijun, let Jiang become the adopted son of Shangqing's wife, his aunt, Wang Zhelan, whom he referred to as "Niáng" (Chinese: 娘; lit. 'Mom').
Jiang attended the Department of Electrical Engineering at the National Central University in Japanese-occupied Nanjing before transferring to National Chiao Tung University (now Shanghai Jiao Tong University). He graduated there in 1947 with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering.
He joined the Communist Party of China when he was in college. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s. He also worked for Changchun's First Automobile Works. He was eventually transferred to government services, where he began to rise in prominence and rank, eventually becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Minister of Electronic Industries in 1983.
In 1985 he became Mayor of Shanghai, and subsequently the Party Committee Secretary of Shanghai. Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower pot", a Chinese term for someone who only seems useful, but actually gets nothing done. Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to Zhu Rongji. Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt to curb student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the Gettysburg Address in English in front of a group of student protesters.
Jiang had a passable command of several foreign languages, including English and Russian. He enjoyed engaging foreign visitors in small talk on arts and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in the original.
Jiang was elevated to national politics in 1987, automatically becoming a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee because it is customarily dictated that the Party Secretary of Shanghai would also have a seat in the Politburo. In 1989, China was in crisis over the Tiananmen Square protest, and the central government was in conflict on how to handle the protesters. In June, Deng Xiaoping dismissed liberal Zhao Ziyang, who was considered to be too conciliatory toward the student protestors. At the time, Jiang was the Shanghai Party secretary, the top figure in China's new economic center. In an incident with the World Economic Herald, Jiang closed down the newspaper, deeming it to be harmful. The handling of the crisis in Shanghai was noticed by Beijing, and then by paramount leader Deng Xiaoping. As the protests escalated and then Party general secretary Zhao Ziyang was removed from office, Jiang was selected by the Party leaders as a compromise candidate over Tianjin's Li Ruihuan, Premier Li Peng, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, and the retired elders to become the new General Secretary. Before that, he had been considered to be an unlikely candidate. Within three years, Deng had transferred most power in the state, party and military to Jiang.
Jiang was elevated to the country's top job in 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power. His most reliable allies were the powerful party elders – Chen Yun and Li Xiannian. He was believed to be simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and military figures like Yang Shangkun and his brother Yang Baibing were believed to be planning a coup. Jiang used Deng Xiaoping as a back-up to his leadership in the first few years. Jiang, who was believed to have a neo-conservative slant, warned against "bourgeois liberalization". Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.
At the first meeting of the new Politburo Standing Committee, after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, Jiang criticized the previous period as "hard on the economy, soft on politics" and advocated increasing political thought work. Anne-Marie Brady wrote that "Jiang Zemin was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China." Soon after, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, "including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement."
Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the "central leadership" (i.e. Jiang) had most responsibility. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. In 1993, Jiang coined the new "socialist market economy" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated capitalist market economy. It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated Central Advisory Committee, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders. He became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1989, followed by his election to the Presidency in March 1993.
In the early 1990s, post-Tiananmen economic reforms had stabilized and the country was on a consistent growth trajectory. At the same time, China faced myriad economic and social problems. At Deng's state funeral in 1997, Jiang delivered the elder statesman's eulogy. Jiang had inherited a China rampant with political corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's policy that "some areas can get rich before others" led to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the interior provinces. The unprecedented economic growth and the deregulation in a number of heavy industries led to the closing of many state-owned enterprises (SOEs), breaking the iron rice bowl.
As a result, unemployment rates skyrocketed, rising as high as 40% in some urban areas. Stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere, and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%. A chaotic environment of illegal bonds issued from civil and military officials resulted in much of the corrupted wealth ending up in foreign countries. The re-emergence of organized crime and a surge in crime rates began to plague cities. A careless stance on the destruction of the environment furthered concerns voiced by intellectuals.
Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralised power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the ongoing problems. Jiang continued pouring funds to develop the Special Economic Zones and coastal regions. Beginning in 1996, Jiang began a series of reforms in the state-controlled media aimed at promoting the "core of leadership" under himself, and at the same time crushing some of his political opponents. The personality enhancements in the media were largely frowned upon during the Deng era, and had not been seen since the Mao era in the late 1970s.
The People's Daily and CCTV-1's 7 pm Xinwen Lianbo each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. Jiang appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with Mike Wallace of CBS in 2000 at Beidaihe. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera, albeit not always fluently. In an encounter with a Hong Kong reporter in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting Tung Chee-hwa to seek a second term as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Jiang scolded the Hong Kong journalists as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English. The event was shown on Hong Kong television that night.
Crackdown on Falun Gong
In June 1999, Jiang established an extralegal department, the 6-10 Office, to crack down on Falun Gong. Cook and Lemish state this was because Jiang was worried that the popular new religious movement was "quietly infiltrating the CPC and state apparatus." On 20 July, security forces arrested thousands of Falun Gong organizers they identified as leaders. The persecution that followed was characterized a nationwide campaign of propaganda, as well as the large-scale arbitrary imprisonment and coercive reeducation of Falun Gong organizers, sometimes resulting in death.
Jiang went on a state visit to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to supporters of the Chinese democracy movement. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with President Bill Clinton, the tone was relaxed as they sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in June 1998, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries. When American-led NATO bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action. Jiang's foreign policy was for the most part passive and non-confrontational. A personal friend of former Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere. Despite this, there were at least three serious flare-ups between China and the US during Jiang's tenure: the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1996, the NATO bombing of Serbia, and the Hainan Island incident in April 2001.
Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed most of the economic governance of the country to Zhu Rongji, who became Premier, and remained in office through the Asian financial crisis. Under their joint leadership, Mainland China has sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Strong party control over China was cemented by the PRC's successful bid to join the World Trade Organization and Beijing winning the bid to host the 2008 Summer Olympics.
Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CPC Congress in 2002. Critics believed that this was just another piece added to Jiang's cult of personality, others have seen practical applications of the theory as a guiding ideology in the future direction of the CPC. Largely speculated to step down from all positions by international media, his rival Li Ruihuan's resignation in 2002 prompted analysts to rethink Jiang. The theory of Three Represents was believed by many political analysts to be Jiang's effort at extending his vision to Marxist–Leninist principles, and therefore elevating himself alongside previous Chinese Marxist philosophers Mao and Deng.
In 2002, Jiang stepped down from the powerful Politburo Standing Committee and as General Secretary at the age of 76 to make way for a "fourth generation" of leadership headed by Hu Jintao, beginning a transition of power that would last several years. Hu assumed Jiang's title as party head, becoming the new General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. At the 16th Party Congress held in the autumn of 2002, observers noted at the time that six out of the nine new members of Standing Committee were considered part of Jiang's so-called "Shanghai Clique", the most prominent being Vice President Zeng Qinghong, who had served as Jiang's chief of staff for many years, and Vice Premier Huang Ju, a former party chief of Shanghai.
Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the powerful Central Military Commission, most members of the commission were professional military men. Liberation Army Daily, a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'" This was widely interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.
Hu succeeded Jiang as CPC General Secretary in November 2002. To the surprise of many observers, evidence of Jiang's continuing influence on public policy abruptly disappeared from the official media. Jiang was conspicuously silent during the SARS crisis, especially when compared to the very public profile of Hu and the newly anointed Premier, Wen Jiabao. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress have left Jiang in a position where he cannot exercise much influence. Although many of the members of the Politburo Standing Committee were associated with him, the Standing Committee does not necessarily have command authority over the civilian bureaucracy.
On 19 September 2004, after a four-day meeting of the CPC Central Committee, Jiang relinquished his post as chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, his last post in the party. Six months later in March 2005 he resigned his last significant post, chairman of the Central Military Commission of the state. This followed weeks of speculation that forces inside the party were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, General Xu Caihou, and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman, as was initially speculated. This power transition formally marked the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1989 to 2004.
Official appearances after retirement
Jiang continued to make official appearances after giving up his last title in 2004. In China's strictly defined protocol sequence, Jiang's name always appeared immediately after Hu Jintao's and in front of the remaining sitting members of the CPC Politburo Standing Committee. In 2007, Jiang was seen with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army, and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials. On 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics. He also stood beside Hu Jintao during the mass parade celebrating the 60th anniversary of the People's Republic of China in October 2009.
Beginning in July 2011, false reports of Jiang's death began circulating on the news media outside of mainland China and on the internet. While Jiang may indeed have been ill and receiving treatment, the rumours were denied by official sources. On 9 October 2011, Jiang made his first public appearance since his premature obituary in Beijing at a celebration to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution. Jiang reappeared at the 18th Party Congress in October 2012, and took part in the 65th Anniversary banquet of the founding of the People's Republic of China in October 2014. At the banquet he sat next to Xi Jinping, who had then succeeded Hu Jintao as party General Secretary. In September 2015, Jiang attended the parade celebrating 70 years since end of World War II; there, Jiang again sat next to Xi Jinping and Hu Jintao. He appeared on 29 May 2017 at Shanghai Technology University.
After Xi Jinping assumed power, Jiang's position in the protocol sequence of leaders retreated; while he was often seated next to Xi Jinping at official events, his name was often reported after all standing members of the Communist Party's Politburo. Jiang reappeared at the 19th Party Congress on 18 October 2017. He appeared on 29 July 2019 at the funeral of Li Peng. He also stood beside Xi Jinping during 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China mass parade in October 2019.
The policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, have widely been seen as efforts to address perceived imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.
Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some people attributed the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct systemic imbalance and an accumulation of problems which resulted from years of breakneck-pace economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable challenges, some of which may have been too late to solve.
The fact that Jiang rose to power as the direct beneficiary of the political aftermath of Tiananmen has shaped the perception of Jiang in the eyes of many. Following the Tiananmen protests, Jiang threw his support behind elder Chen Yun's conservative economic policies, but subsequently changed his allegiance to Deng Xiaoping's reform-oriented agenda following the latter's "Southern Tour". This shift was not only seen as the exercise of a political opportunist, it also sowed confusion among party loyalists in regards to what direction the party was headed or what the party truly believed in. While continued economic reforms resulted in an explosion of wealth around the country, it also led to the formation of special interest groups in many sectors of the economy, and the exercise of state power without any meaningful oversight. This opened the way for the sub-optimal distribution of the fruits of growth, and an expanding culture of corruption among bureaucrats and party officials.
Historian and former Xinhua journalist Yang Jisheng wrote that Jiang may well have been given a positive historical assessment had it not been for his decision to 'overstay his welcome' by remaining in the Central Military Commission post after Hu had formally assumed the party leadership. Moreover, Jiang took credit for all the gains made during the 13 years "between 1989 and 2002," which not only evoked the memories of Jiang being a beneficiary of Tiananmen, but also neglected the economic foundations laid by Deng, whose authority was still paramount until the mid-1990s. Additionally, Jiang was also criticized for his insistence on writing the "Three Represents" into the party and state constitutions (see below), which Yang called Jiang's attempt at "self-deification", i.e., that he saw himself as a visionary along the same lines as Deng and Mao. Yang contended, "The 'Three Represents' is just common sense. It is not a proper theoretical framework. It's what any ruler would tell the people to justify the continued rule of the governing party."
Formally, Jiang's theory of "Three Represents" was enshrined in both Party and State constitutions as an "important thought," following in the footsteps of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory. However, the theory lacked staying power. By the time of the 17th Party Congress in 2007, the Scientific Outlook on Development had already been written into the constitution of the Communist Party, a mere five years after the Three Represents, overtaking the latter as the guiding ideology for much of Hu Jintao's term. While his successors paid lip service to "Three Represents" in official party documentation and speeches, no special emphasis was placed on the theory after Jiang left office. There was even speculation following Xi Jinping's assumption of CPC general secretary in 2012 that the Three Represents would eventually be dropped from the party's list of guiding ideologies.
The Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the Communist Party of China from protecting the interests of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at placating the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party, such as hardline leftist Deng Liqun, denounced this as betrayal of "true" communist ideology.
Some have also associated Jiang with the widespread corruption and cronyism that had become a notable feature of the Communist power apparatus since Jiang's years in power. In the military, the two vice-chairmen who sat atop the Central Military Commission hierarchy – nominally as assistants to then Chairman Hu Jintao – Vice-Chairmen Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong, were said to have obstructed Hu Jintao's exercise of power in the military. Xu and Guo were characterized as "Jiang's proxies in the military." Eventually, both men were reported to have taken massive bribes, and both fell under the axe of the anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping.
Jiang's time in office also saw a notable increase of collusion between business and political elites. A lack of checks and balances in the cadre promotion system also meant that personal loyalty often trumped skill and merit in ensuring advancement. Many people in top ranks of the military and political elites were seen to have gotten to their high positions through securing the patronage of Jiang. Prominent examples often cited include Jiang's former secretary Jia Ting'an and Shanghai clique member Huang Ju.
At the same time, many biographers of Jiang have noted his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship. Many of the policies of his era had been attributed to others in government, notably Premier Zhu Rongji. Jiang was also characterized as a leader who was mindful to seek the opinion of his close advisers. Jiang is often credited with the improvement in foreign relations during his term, but at the same time many Chinese have criticized him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of Chinese reunification between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term, but more substantial talks regarding Cross-Strait talks and the eventual Three Links occurred during the term of Hu Jintao. The construction of the Qinghai–Tibet railway and the Three Gorges Dam began under Jiang's leadership.
Family and personal life
Jiang married Wang Yeping in 1949, also a native of Yangzhou. She is his cousin (Jiang's adoptive mother is Wang's aunt). She graduated from Shanghai International Studies University. They had two sons together, Jiang Mianheng (born in 1951) and Jiang Miankang (born in 1956). Jiang Mianheng went on to be a successful academic and businessman, working within the Chinese space program, and founded Grace Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation.
It is believed that Jiang Zemin has had a long-running friendship with the singer Song Zuying, Chen Zhili and others. Following the rise of Xi Jinping, Song and other Jiang loyalists, including her brother Song Zuyu, fell under investigation for corruption.
- Jiang Zemin (2010). Selected Works of Jiang Zemin. I (1st ed.). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 978-7-119-06025-5.
- — (2012). Selected Works of Jiang Zemin. II (1st ed.). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 978-7-119-07383-5.
- — (2013). Selected Works of Jiang Zemin. III (1st ed.). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 978-7-119-07978-3.
- History of the People's Republic of China (1989–2002)
- Politics of the People's Republic of China
- Shanghai clique
- Toad worship, an internet meme spoofing Jiang Zemin in China.
- 1998 State Visit by Jiang Zemin to Japan
- The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin, a biography of Jiang by Robert Lawrence Kuhn
- "Paramount leader" is not a formal title; it is a reference occasionally used by media outlets and scholars to refer to the foremost political leader in China at a given time. For example, there is no consensus on when Hu Jintao became the paramount leader (2002, 2003, 2004 or 2005), as Jiang held the most powerful office in the military (i.e., Central Military Commission Chairman) and did not relinquish all positions until 2005 to his successor, while Hu was the General Secretary since 2002 and President of China since 2003.
- Thackeray, Frank W.; Findling, John E. (31 May 2012). Events That Formed the Modern World. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 9781598849011 – via Google Books.
- "Cengage Learning". Archived from the original on 12 February 2018. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
- "BBC: Profile: Jiang Zemin". BBC News. 19 September 2004. Archived from the original on 29 May 2008. Retrieved 7 March 2010.
- HOLLEY, DAVID (31 July 1993). "China Leans Heavily on Trouble-Shooter : Politics: Vice Premier Zhu Rongji's assignment is to cope with economic troubles, corruption, rural anger". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 15 July 2014. Retrieved 5 December 2013.
- Kuhn, Robert Lawrence: The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin
- "Book: Real Story of Jiang Zemin: Introduction(4)". Chinaview.wordpress.com. 25 August 2006. Archived from the original on 18 July 2011. Retrieved 7 March 2010.
- Kissinger, Henry (2001). "Chapter 17". On China. Penguin Press HC. ISBN 978-1-59420-271-1.
- "USATODAY.com - China completes military power transfer". USA Today. Archived from the original on 2 November 2012. Retrieved 5 December 2013.
- Miller, Lyman (1 June 1996). "Overlapping Transitions in China's Leadership". SAIS Review. 16 (2): 21–42. doi:10.1353/sais.1996.0038.
- Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
- "China Gets Down to Business at Party Congress". Los Angeles Times. 13 September 1997. Retrieved 12 January 2020.
- Michael E. Porter. The Competitive Advantage of Nations (New York, NY: The Free Press, 1990), p. 546. Archived 28 June 2015 at the Wayback Machine
- "Profile: Jiang Zemin". BBC News. BBC. 23 October 2012. Archived from the original on 14 November 2017. Retrieved 21 July 2018.
- "Hong Kong Journalists Association: FOE Annual Report, 2001". Hong Kong Journalists Association. 9 August 2001. Archived from the original on 11 October 2014. Retrieved 11 October 2014.
- Sarah Cook and Leeshai Lemish, ‘The 610 Office:Policing the Chinese Spirit’ Archived 27 January 2013 at the Wayback Machine, China Brief , Volume 11 Issue 17 (9 November 2011).
- James Tong. "Revenge of the Forbidden City: The suppression of the Falungong in China, 1999–2005" (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009); ISBN 0-19-537728-1
- Spiegel, Mickey (2002). Dangerous Meditation: China's Campaign Against Falungong. Human Rights Watch. ISBN 1-56432-269-6. Retrieved 28 September 2007.
- Amnesty International "China: The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called 'heretical organization'" Archived 18 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine 23 March 2000
- Ian Denis Johnson, "Death Trap – How One Chinese City Resorted to Atrocities To Control Falun Dafa" Archived 6 April 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Wall Street Journal, Pulitzer.org, 26 December 2000.
- "NewsLibrary.com - newspaper archive, clipping service - newspapers and other news sources". Nl.newsbank.com. Archived from the original on 7 November 2017. Retrieved 14 November 2017.
- Tomoyuki Kojima. China's Omnidirectional Diplomacy: Cooperation with all, Emphasis on Major Powers. Asia-Pacific Review, 1469–2937, Volume 8, Issue 2, 2001
- James Mulvenon. "Reduced Budgets, the "Two Centers," and Other Mysteries of the 2003 National People's Congress" (PDF). Media.hoover.org. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 June 2008. Retrieved 14 November 2017.
- "Information Control and Self-Censorship in the PRC and the Spread of SARS - Congressional-Executive Commission on China". cecc.gov.
- Cabestan, Jean-Pierre (8 October 2009). "China's Foreign- and Security-policy Decision-making Processes under Hu Jintao" (PDF). Journal of Current Chinese Affairs. 38 (3): 63–97. doi:10.1177/186810260903800304. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 December 2013. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
- China's leadership makes show of unity ahead of key Communist Party congress Archived 13 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine International Herald Tribune
- "Where is Jiang Zemin?". Financial Times. 1 July 2011. Archived from the original on 8 July 2011. Retrieved 6 July 2011.
- "Jiang's Rumours of Death Spread". Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 6 July 2011. Archived from the original on 9 July 2011. Retrieved 7 July 2011.
- "Is China's Ex-Leader Jiang Zemin Dead? Local Censors Don't Want Any Speculation". Time. 6 July 2011. Archived from the original on 6 July 2011. Retrieved 6 July 2011.
- "Jiang Zemin Appears in Public Three Months After Media Reports of Death". Bloomberg. 9 October 2011. Archived from the original on 24 October 2013. Retrieved 8 March 2017.
- 一如猜测江泽民现身上海科大惟影响力存疑 (in Chinese). 29 May 2017. Archived from the original on 5 June 2017. Retrieved 30 May 2017.
- "China's former leader Jiang Zemin at military parade amid infighting rumours". The Straits Times. 3 September 2015. Archived from the original on 25 September 2017. Retrieved 14 November 2017.
- "19th Party Congress: Former president Jiang Zemin's appearance quashes death rumour". The Straits Times. 18 October 2017. Archived from the original on 20 October 2017. Retrieved 14 November 2017.
- 【李鹏逝世】中共七常委出席李鹏告别式 江泽民现身[图] (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 29 July 2019. Retrieved 29 July 2019.
- "Ex-president Jiang joins mourners at Tiananmen premier's funeral". 29 July 2019. Archived from the original on 29 July 2019. Retrieved 29 July 2019.
- "92-year-old Jiang Zemin makes rare appearance at Li Peng funeral". Archived from the original on 30 July 2019. Retrieved 30 July 2019.
- Lam, Willy. Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao era. pp. 44–46
- "Profile: Jiang Zemin". BBC News. BBC. 23 October 2012. Archived from the original on 3 December 2017. Retrieved 21 July 2018.
- 江泽民"太任性" 习近平再造中共. Duowei News (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 5 September 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
- Miles, James A. R. (1997). The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray. p. 59. ISBN 978-0472084517.
- 杨继绳：江泽民三件蠢事声望大大下降. Duowei News (in Chinese). 20 June 2015. Archived from the original on 22 June 2015. Retrieved 22 June 2015.
- 补牢意识形态 "大统战"修正三个代表？. Duowei News (in Chinese). 6 June 2015. Archived from the original on 22 June 2015. Retrieved 22 June 2015.
- "Hu Jintao's weak grip on China's army inspired Xi Jinping's military shake-up: sources". South China Morning Post. 11 March 2015. Archived from the original on 19 November 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
- Kuhn, 2004; Lam, 1997
- "China under Jiang Zemin". Facts and Details. 1 October 1928. Archived from the original on 23 November 2010. Retrieved 7 March 2010.
- Willy Wo-Lap Lam. "Smoke clears over China's U.S. strategy". CNN. Archived from the original on 11 December 2013. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
- The-Cambridge Handbook Contemporary China. Cambridge University Press. 2001. p. 326. ISBN 978-0521786744.
- "Jiang Zemin – General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee". People's Daily. Archived from the original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved 4 December 2010.
- Nathan, Andrew J.; Bruce, Gilley (2002). CHINA'S NEW RULERS: THE SECRET FILES (PDF). New York: New York Review of Books. p. 164. ISBN 1-59017-046-6. Archived (PDF) from the original on 5 April 2017. Retrieved 12 September 2018.
- "Singer who disappeared six years ago resurfaces married to China president's brother". The Telegraph. 16 October 2014. Archived from the original on 20 April 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
- "Asia Sentinel". Archived from the original on 24 January 2010. Retrieved 11 September 2018.
- Parry, Simon. "Sleeping with the enemy". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 8 February 2014. Retrieved 14 April 2014.
- Fan, Jiayang. "SINGING FOR CHINA: SONG ZUYING IN NEW YORK". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 10 January 2014. Retrieved 14 April 2014.
- "Humble hometown hesitant to talk about Peng Liyuan, China's first lady". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 11 September 2018. Retrieved 11 September 2018.
- DeAeth, Duncan. "Chinese starlet Song Zuying, many others, under investigation for corruption by CCP". Taiwan News. Archived from the original on 14 August 2018. Retrieved 14 August 2018.
- Nakazawa, Katsuji. "Downfall of a diva mirrors Beijing's backstage politics". Nikkei. Archived from the original on 13 August 2018. Retrieved 14 August 2018.
- "Let not a billion tongues bloom". The Economist. 13 October 2016. Retrieved 11 September 2020.
|Library resources about |
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Jiang Zemin|
- Gilley, Bruce. Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 395pp. This was the first biography of Jiang to appear in the West. A comprehensive and highly readable journalistic account of Jiang's early years, his ascendancy within the Party bureaucracy, and his ultimate rise to power as Deng Xiaoping's successor in the wake of Tiananmen.
- Kuhn, Robert Lawrence = The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin, Random House (English edition) 2005. Century Publishing Group, Shanghai (Chinese edition) 2005. The book is a general biography of Jiang with a more favorable stance towards him.
- China Daily, chinadaily.com.cn. Retrieved 19 June 2015.
- Lam, Willy Wo-Lap. "The Era of Jiang Zemin"; Prentice Hall, Singapore: 1999. General Jiang-era background information and analysis, not comprehensive biography.