Rhoticity in English

Rhoticity in English refers to English speakers' pronunciation of the historical rhotic consonant /r/, and is one of the most prominent distinctions by which varieties of English can be classified. The historical English /r/ sound is preserved in all pronunciation contexts in the "rhotic varieties" of English,[lower-alpha 1] which primarily include the English dialects of Scotland, Ireland, and most of the United States and Canada. However, the historical /r/ is not pronounced except before vowels in "non-rhotic varieties",[lower-alpha 2] which include most of the dialects of modern England, Wales, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and some parts of the southern and eastern—particularly northeastern[4]—coastal United States.[1]

In non-rhotic varieties, speakers no longer pronounce /r/ in postvocalic environments—that is, when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel.[5][1] For example, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, whereas a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the /r/ sound, pronouncing them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/. A non-rhotic speaker usually still pronounces the /r/ in the phrase "butter and jam" (the linking R), since the /r/ is followed by a vowel in this case.

Evidence from written documents suggests that loss of postvocalic /r/ began sporadically during the mid-15th century. However, these /r/-less spellings were uncommon and were restricted to private documents, especially ones written by women. In the mid-18th century, postvocalic /r/ was still pronounced in most environments, but by the 1740s to 1770s it was often deleted entirely, especially after low vowels. By the 1790s, fully non-rhotic pronunciation had become common in London and surrounding areas, and was being increasingly used even in more formal and educated speech. By the early 19th century, the southern British standard was fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, though some variation persisted as late as the 1870s. This loss of postvocalic /r/ in British English influenced southern and eastern American port cities with close connections to Britain, causing their upper-class pronunciation to become non-rhotic while the rest of the United States remained rhotic. Non-rhotic pronunciation continued to influence American prestige speech until the 1860s, when the American Civil War began to shift America's centers of wealth and political power to rhotic areas with fewer cultural connections to the old colonial and British elites. The advent of radio and television in the 20th century established a national standard of American pronunciation that preserves historical /r/, with rhotic speech in particular becoming prestigious in the United States rapidly after the Second World War.[6]

History

The earliest traces of a loss of /r/ in English appear in the early 15th century and occur before coronal consonants, especially /s/, giving modern "ass (buttocks)" (Old English ears, Middle English ers or ars), and "bass (fish)" (OE bærs, ME bars).[1] A second phase of /r/-loss began during the 15th century, and was characterized by sporadic and lexically variable deletion, such as monyng "morning" and cadenall "cardinal".[1] These /r/-less spellings appear throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, but are uncommon and are restricted to private documents, especially ones written by women.[1] No English authorities describe loss of /r/ in the standard language prior to the mid-18th century, and many do not fully accept it until the 1790s.[1]

During the mid-17th century, a number of sources describe /r/ as being weakened but still present.[9] The English playwright Ben Jonson's English Grammar, published posthumously in 1640, records that /r/ was "sounded firme in the beginning of words, and more liquid in the middle, and ends."[10] Little more is said regarding /r/ until 1740, when one Mather Flint, writing in a primer for French learners of English, said: "...dans plusieurs mots, l’r devant une consonne est fort adouci, presque muet & rend un peu longue la voyale qui le precede" ("...in many words r before a consonant is greatly softened, almost mute, and slightly lengthens the preceding vowel").[10] By the 1770s, postvocalic /r/-less pronunciation was becoming common around London even in more formal, educated speech. The English actor and linguist John Walker uses the spelling ar to indicate the long vowel of aunt in his 1775 rhyming dictionary.[2] In his influential Critical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English Language (1791), Walker reported, with a strong tone of disapproval, that "... the r in lard, bard, [...] is pronounced so much in the throat as to be little more than the middle or Italian a, lengthened into baa, baad...."[10] Americans returning to England after the end of the American Revolutionary War in 1783 reported surprise at the significant changes in fashionable pronunciation.[11] By the early 19th century, the southern British standard was fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, though it continued to be variable as late as the 1870s.[10]

The adoption of postvocalic /r/-less pronunciation as the British prestige standard in the late 18th and early 19th centuries influenced American port cities with close connections to Britain, causing upper-class pronunciation in many eastern and southern port cities such as New York City, Boston, Alexandria, Charleston, and Savannah to become non-rhotic.[12] Like regional dialects in England, the accents of other areas in America remained rhotic in a display of linguistic "lag" that preserved the original pronunciation of /r/.[12] Non-rhotic pronunciation continued to influence American prestige speech until the 1860s, when the American Civil War shifted America's centers of wealth and political power to areas with fewer cultural connections to the British elite.[13] This largely removed the prestige associated with non-rhotic pronunciation in America, such that when the advent of radio and television in the 20th century established a national standard of American pronunciation, it became a rhotic variety that preserves historical /r/.[13]

Modern pronunciation

In most non-rhotic accents, if a word ending in written "r" is followed immediately by a word beginning with a vowel, the /r/ is pronounced—as in water ice. This phenomenon is referred to as "linking R". Many non-rhotic speakers also insert an epenthetic /r/ between vowels when the first vowel is one that can occur before syllable-final r (drawring for drawing). This so-called "intrusive R" has been stigmatized, but nowadays many speakers of Received Pronunciation (RP) frequently "intrude" an epenthetic /r/ at word boundaries, especially where one or both vowels is schwa; for example the idea of it becomes the idea-r-of it, Australia and New Zealand becomes Australia-r-and New Zealand, the formerly well-known India-r-Office and "Laura Norder" (Law and Order). The typical alternative used by RP speakers (and some rhotic speakers as well) is to insert a glottal stop where an intrusive R would otherwise be placed.[14][15]

For non-rhotic speakers, what was historically a vowel plus /r/ is now usually realized as a long vowel. This is called compensatory lengthening, lengthening that occurs after the elision of a sound. So in RP and many other non-rhotic accents card, fern, born are pronounced [kʰɑːd], [fɜːn], [bɔːn] or similar (actual pronunciations vary from accent to accent). This length may be retained in phrases, so while car pronounced in isolation is [kʰɑː], car owner is [ˈkʰɑːɹəʊnə]. But a final schwa usually remains short, so water in isolation is [wɔːtʰə]. In RP and similar accents the vowels /iː/ and /uː/ (or /ʊ/), when followed by r, become diphthongs ending in schwa, so near is [nɪə] and poor is [pʰʊə], though these have other realizations as well, including monophthongal ones; once again, the pronunciations vary from accent to accent. The same happens to diphthongs followed by R, though these may be considered to end in /ər/ in rhotic speech, and it is the /ər/ that reduces to schwa as usual in non-rhotic speech: tire said in isolation is [tʰaɪə] and sour is [saʊə].[16] For some speakers, some long vowels alternate with a diphthong ending in schwa, so wear may be [wɛə] but wearing [ˈwɛːɹɪŋ].

Even General American speakers commonly drop the /r/ in non-final unstressed syllables when another syllable in the same word also contains /r/; this may be referred to as R-dissimilation. Examples include the dropping of the first /r/ in the words surprise, governor and caterpillar. In more careful speech, however, the /r/ sounds are all retained.[17]

Distribution

Rhotic accents include most varieties of Scottish English, Irish or Hiberno-English, North American English, Barbadian English, Indian English,[19] and Pakistani English.[20]

Non-rhotic accents include most varieties of English English, Welsh English, New Zealand English, Australian English, and South African English.

Semi-rhotic accents have also been studied, such as Jamaican English, in which r is pronounced (as in even non-rhotic accents) before vowels, but also in stressed monosyllables or stressed syllables at the ends of words (e.g. in "car" or "dare"); however, it is not pronounced at the end of unstressed syllables (e.g. in "water") or before consonants (e.g. "market").[21]

Variably rhotic accents, in which speakers often sporadically waver between rhoticity and non-rhoticity without any particular rules of context, are also widely documented. Variably rhotic accents comprise much of Caribbean English, for example, as spoken in Tobago, Guyana, Antigua and Barbuda, and the Bahamas.[22] They also include current-day New York City English,[23] New York Latino English, and some Boston English.

Non-rhotic accents in the Americas include the rest of Caribbean and Belize.

England

Though most English varieties in England are non-rhotic today, stemming from a trend toward this in southeastern England accelerating in the very late 1700s onwards, rhotic accents are still found in the West Country (south and west of a line from near Shrewsbury to around Portsmouth), the Corby area, some of Lancashire (north and west of the centre of Manchester), some parts of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, and in the areas that border Scotland. The prestige form, however, exerts a steady pressure toward non-rhoticity. Thus the urban speech of Bristol or Southampton is more accurately described as variably rhotic, the degree of rhoticity being reduced as one moves up the class and formality scales.[24]

Scotland

Most Scottish accents are rhotic, but non-rhotic speech has been reported in Edinburgh since the 1970s and Glasgow since the 1980s.[25]

United States

American English is predominantly rhotic today, but at the end of the 1800s non-rhotic accents were common throughout much of the Eastern U.S. and through much of the South along the Gulf Coast. In fact, non-rhotic accents were established in all major U.S. cities along the Atlantic coast except for the Delaware Valley area around Philadelphia and Baltimore. This trend reversed during the early to mid-1900s. Non-rhotic accents have increasingly been perceived by Americans as sounding foreign or less educated with rhotic accents increasingly seen as sounding more "General American".[26]

Today, non-rhoticity in the American South is found primarily among older speakers, and only in some areas such as central and southern Alabama; Savannah, Georgia; and Norfolk, Virginia,[4] as well as in the Yat accent of New Orleans. The local dialects of eastern New England, especially Boston, Massachusetts, extending into the states of Maine and New Hampshire, are largely non-rhotic, as well as the traditional Rhode Island dialect; however, this feature has recently been receding. The New York City dialect is traditionally non-rhotic, though William Labov more precisely classifies its current form as variably rhotic,[27] with many of its sub-varieties now fully rhotic, such as in northeastern New Jersey.

African-American English (AAE) is largely non-rhotic, and in some non-rhotic Southern and AAE accents, there is no linking r, that is, /r/ at the end of a word is deleted even when the following word starts with a vowel, so that "Mister Adams" is pronounced [mɪstə(ʔ)ˈædəmz].[28] In a few such accents, intervocalic /r/ is deleted before an unstressed syllable even within a word when the following syllable begins with a vowel. In such accents, pronunciations like [kæəˈlaːnə] for Carolina, or [bɛːˈʌp] for "bear up" are heard.[29] This pronunciation also occurs in AAE.[30] This also occurred for many older non-rhotic Southern speakers.[31]

Typically, even non-rhotic modern American English varieties do pronounce the /r/ in /ɜr/ (as in "bird," "work," or "perky"), realizing it, as in most of the U.S., as [ɝ] or [ɚ]  listen.

Canada

Canadian English is entirely rhotic except for small isolated areas in southwestern New Brunswick, parts of Newfoundland, and the Lunenburg English variety spoken in Lunenburg and Shelburne Counties, Nova Scotia, which may be non-rhotic or variably rhotic.[32]

New Zealand

Although New Zealand English is predominantly non-rhotic, Southland and parts of Otago in the far south of New Zealand's South Island are rhotic from apparent Scottish influence. Some Māori speakers are semi-rhotic although it is not clearly identified to any particular region or attributed to any defined language shift. The Māori language itself tends in most cases to use an r with an alveolar tap [ɾ]. The Māori accent varies from the European-origin New Zealand accent.

Ireland

The prestige form of English spoken in Ireland is rhotic and most regional accents are rhotic although some regional accents, particularly in the area around counties Louth and Cavan are notably non-rhotic and many non-prestige accents have touches of non-rhoticity. In Dublin, the traditional local dialect is largely non-rhotic but the more modern varieties, referred to by Hickey as "mainstream Dublin English" and "fashionable Dublin English", are fully rhotic. Hickey used this as an example of how English in Ireland does not follow prestige trends in England.[33]

Asia

The English spoken in Asia is predominantly rhotic. Many varieties of Indian English are rhotic owing to the underlying phonotactics of the native Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages[19] whilst some tend to be non-rhotic. In the case of the Philippines, this may be explained because the English that is spoken there is heavily influenced by the American dialect. In addition, many East Asians (in Mainland China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan) who have a good command of English generally have rhotic accents because of the influence of American English. This excludes Hong Kong, whose RP English dialect is a result of its almost 150-year-history as a British Crown colony (later British dependent territory). The lack of consonant /r/ in Cantonese also contributes to the phenomenon (although rhoticity started to exist due to the handover in 1997 and influence by US and East Asian entertainment industry). However, many older (and younger) speakers among South and East Asians speak non-rhotic.

Other Asian regions with non-rhotic English are Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei. A typical Malaysian's English would be almost totally non-rhotic due to the nonexistence of rhotic endings in both languages of influence, whereas a more educated Malaysian's English may be non-rhotic due to Standard Malaysian English being based on RP (Received Pronunciation). The classical English spoken in Brunei is non-rhotic. But one current change that seems to be taking place is that Brunei English is becoming rhotic, partly influenced by American English and partly influenced by the rhoticity of Standard Malay, also influenced by languages of Indians in Brunei (Tamil and Punjabi) (rhoticity is also used by Chinese Bruneians), although English in neighboring Malaysia, Singapore, and Australia remains rhotic; rhoticity in Brunei English is equal to Philippine and Indian dialects of English and Scottish and Irish dialects. Non-rhoticity is mostly found in older generations, its phenomenon is almost similar to the status of American English, wherein non-rhoticity reduced greatly.[34][35]

A typical teenager's Southeast Asian English would be rhotic, mainly because of prominent influence by American English. Spoken English in Myanmar is non-rhotic, but there are a number of English speakers with a rhotic or partially rhotic pronunciation. Sri Lankan English may be rhotic.

Africa

The English spoken in most of Africa is based on RP and is generally non-rhotic. Pronunciation and variation in African English accents are largely affected by native African language influences, level of education and exposure to Western influences. The English accents spoken in the coastal areas of West Africa are primarily non-rhotic as are the underlying varieties of Niger-Congo languages spoken in that part of West Africa. Rhoticity may be present in English spoken in areas where rhotic Afro-Asiatic or Nilo Saharan languages are spoken across northern West Africa and in the Nilotic regions of East Africa. More modern trends show an increasing American influence on African English pronunciation particularly among younger urban affluent populations, where the American rhotic 'r' may be over-stressed in informal communication to create a pseudo-Americanised accent. By and large official spoken English used in post colonial African countries is non-rhotic. Standard Liberian English is also non-rhotic because liquids are lost at the end of words or before consonants.[36] South African English is mostly non-rhotic, especially Cultivated dialect based on RP, except for some Broad varieties spoken in the Cape Province (typically in -er suffixes, as in writer). It appears that postvocalic /r/ is entering the speech of younger people under the influence of American English, and maybe an influence of Scottish dialect brought by Scottish settlers.[37][38]

Mergers characteristic of non-rhotic accents

Some phonemic mergers are characteristic of non-rhotic accents. These usually include one item that historically contained an R (lost in the non-rhotic accent), and one that never did so. The section below lists mergers in order of approximately decreasing prevalence.

Commaletter merger

In the terminology of John C. Wells, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets commA and lettER. It is found in all or nearly all non-rhotic accents,[39] and is even present in some accents that are in other respects rhotic, such as those of some speakers in Jamaica and the Bahamas.[39]

In some accents, syllabification may interact with rhoticity, resulting in homophones where non-rhotic accents have centering diphthongs. Possibilities include Korea–career,[40] Shi'a–sheer, and Maia–mire,[41] while skua may be identical with the second syllable of obscure.[42]

Homophonous pairs
/ə/ /ər/ IPA Notes
AnahonorˈɑːnəWith father-bother merger.
AnnahonorˈɑːnəWith father-bother merger and trap-bath split.
areaairierˈɛəriə
BasiabasherˈbæʃəWithout trap-bath split.
CarlacollarˈkɑləWith god-guard merger.
CartaCarterˈkɑːtə
cheetahcheaterˈtʃiːtə
DarladollarˈdɑləWith god-guard merger.
Dinahdinerˈdaɪnə
cocacokerˈkoʊkə
codacoderˈkoʊdə
colacoalerˈkoʊlə
comacomberˈkoʊmə
custodycustardyˈkʌstədi
datadaterˈdeɪtə
DhakadarkerˈdɑːkəWith trap–bath split.
Eastoneasternˈiːstən
FEMAfemurˈfiːmə
GhanaGarnerˈgɑːnə
HelenaEleanorˈɛlənəWith h-dropping. Outside North America.
etaeaterˈiːtə
eyenironˈaɪən
fetafetterˈfɛtə
formallyformerlyˈfɔːməli
getagetterˈɡɛtə
ionironˈaɪən
karmacalmerˈkɑːmə
kavacarverˈkɑːvə
Lenaleanerˈliːnə
Limalemurˈliːmə
Lisaleaserˈliːsə
Lunalunarˈl(j)uːnə
MaiaMeierˈmaɪə
Maiamireˈmaɪə
MayaMeierˈmaɪə
Mayamireˈmaɪə
mannamannerˈmænə
mannamanorˈmænə
Martamartyrˈmɑːtə
Miamereˈmɪə
minermyna(h); mina(h)ˈmaɪnə
minormyna(h); mina(h)ˈmaɪnə
Monamoanerˈmoʊnə
Nianearˈnɪə
Palmapalmer; Palmerˈpɑːmə
pandapanderˈpændə
parkaParkerˈpɑːkə
Parmapalmer; Palmerˈpɑːmə
Pattonpatternˈpætən
PETApeter; Peterˈpiːtə
pharmafarmerˈfɑːmə
Piapeerˈpɪə
Piapierˈpɪə
pitapeter; Peterˈpiːtə"pita" may also be pronounced ˈpɪtə and therefore not merged
RhodarotorˈroʊɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
RitareaderˈriːɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
Romaroamerˈroʊmə
rotarotorˈroʊtə
Sabasabre; saberˈseɪbə
schemaschemerˈskiːmə
Siasearˈsɪə
Siaseerˈsɪə
sevenSevernˈsɛvən
sodasolderˈsoʊdə"solder" may also be pronounced ˈsɒdə(r) and therefore not merged
soyasawyerˈsɔɪə
StatastarterˈstɑːtəWith trap–bath split.
taigatigerˈtaɪɡə
terra; Terraterrorˈtɛrə
Tiatear (weep)ˈtɪə
tubatuberˈt(j)uːbə
tunatunerˈt(j)uːnə
Vespavesperˈvɛspə
viaveerˈvɪə
Wandawanderˈwɒndə
wannaWarnerˈwɔːnə
Westonwesternˈwɛstən
Wiccawickerˈwɪkə

Father–farther merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets PALM and START. It is found in the speech of the great majority of non-rhotic speakers, including those of England, Wales, the United States, the Caribbean, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. It may be absent in some non-rhotic speakers in the Bahamas.[39]

Homophonous pairs
/ɑː/ /ɑːr/ IPA Notes
ahareˈɑː
ah(h)ourˈɑːWith smoothing.
almsarmsˈɑːmz
almsharmsˈɑːmzWith H-dropping.
AnaArneˈɑːnə
balmybarmyˈbɑːmi
calmerkarmaˈkɑːmə
Chalmerscharmersˈtʃɑːməz
Dahmerdharmaˈdɑːmə
DhakadarkerˈdɑːkəWith trap–bath split.
fafarˈfɑː
fatherfartherˈfɑːðə
GhanaGarnerˈgɑːnə
HammharmˈhɑːmWith trap–bath split.
Jahnyarnˈjɑːn
kavacarverˈkɑːvə
lavalarvaˈlɑːvə
mamarˈmɑː
paparˈpɑː
PalmaParmaˈpɑːmə
palmer; PalmerParmaˈpɑːmə
skascarˈskɑː
spasparˈspɑː
Statastarterˈstɑːtə

Pawn–porn merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets THOUGHT and NORTH. It is found in most of the same accents as the father–farther merger described above, but is absent from the Bahamas and Guyana.[39]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ɔːr/ IPA Notes
alkorcˈɔːk
aukorcˈɔːk
aworˈɔː
aweorˈɔː
awkorcˈɔːk
balkborkˈbɔːk
bawnbornˈbɔːn
caulkcorkˈkɔːk
cawedchordˈkɔːd
cawedcordˈkɔːd
drawdrawerˈdrɔː
gnawnorˈnɔː
hawkorcˈɔːkWith H-dropping.
laudlordˈlɔːd
lawedlordˈlɔːd
lawnlornˈlɔːn
pawnpornˈpɔːn
soughtsortˈsɔːt
stalkstorkˈstɔːk
talktorqueˈtɔːk
taughttortˈtɔːt
tauttortˈtɔːt
tawtorˈtɔː
thawThorˈθɔː

Caught–court merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets THOUGHT and FORCE. It is found in those non-rhotic accents containing the pawnporn merger that have also undergone the horse–hoarse merger. These include the accents of Southern England, Wales, non-rhotic New York City speakers, Trinidad and the Southern hemisphere. In such accents a three-way merger awe-or-ore/oar results. However, Labov et al. suggest that, in New York City English, this merger is present in perception not production. As in, although even locals perceive themselves using the same vowel in both cases, they tend to produce the FORCE higher and more retracted than the vowel of THOUGHT.[43]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /oʊr/ IPA Notes
awoarˈɔː
aworeˈɔː
aweoarˈɔː
aweoreˈɔː
baudboardˈbɔːd
baudboredˈbɔːd
bawdboardˈbɔːd
bawdboredˈbɔːd
bawnborneˈbɔːn
bawnbourn; bourne; Bourneˈbɔːn
caughtcourtˈkɔːt
cawcoreˈkɔː
dawdoorˈdɔː
drawdrawerˈdrɔː
flawfloorˈflɔː
foughtfortˈfɔːt
gaudgoredˈɡɔːd
hawwhoreˈhɔː
lawloreˈlɔː
mawmoreˈmɔː
mawMooreˈmɔː
pawporeˈpɔː
pawpourˈpɔː
rawroarˈrɔː
saucesourceˈsɔːs
sawsoarˈsɔː
sawsoreˈsɔː
sawedsoaredˈsɔːd
sawedswordˈsɔːd
Seanshornˈʃɔːn
shawshoreˈʃɔː
Shawnshornˈʃɔːn
tawtoreˈtɔː
yawyoreˈjɔː
yawyourˈjɔː

Calve–carve merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets BATH and START. It is found in some non-rhotic accents with broad A in words like "bath". It is general in southern England (excluding rhotic speakers), Trinidad, the Bahamas, and the Southern hemisphere. It is a possibility for Welsh, Eastern New England, Jamaican, and Guyanese speakers.

Homophonous pairs
/aː/ /ɑːr/ IPA Notes
auntaren'tˈɑːnt
calvecarveˈkɑːv
castkarstˈkɑːst
castekarstˈkɑːst
fastfarcedˈfɑːst
passedparsedˈpɑːst
pastparsedˈpɑːst

Paw–poor merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets THOUGHT and CURE. It is found in those non-rhotic accents containing the caughtcourt merger that have also undergone the pour–poor merger. Wells lists it unequivocally only for the accent of Trinidad, but it is an option for non-rhotic speakers in England, Australia and New Zealand. Such speakers have a potential four–way merger taw-tor-tore-tour.[44]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ʊər/ IPA Notes
gaudgourdˈɡɔːd
hawwhoreˈhɔː
lawlureˈlɔːWith yod-dropping.
mawmoorˈmɔː
mawMooreˈmɔː
pawpoorˈpɔː
rawRuhrˈrɔː
shawsureˈʃɔː
tawtourˈtɔː
tawnytourneyˈtɔːni
yawyourˈjɔː
yawyou'reˈjɔː

Batted–battered merger

This merger is present in non-rhotic accents which have undergone the weak-vowel merger. Such accents include Australian, New Zealand, most South African speech, and some non-rhotic English speech (e.g. Norfolk, Sheffield).

A large number of homophonous pairs involve the syllabic -es and agentive -ers suffixes, such as merges-mergers and bleaches-bleachers. Because there are so many, they are excluded from the list of homophonous pairs below.

Homophonous pairs
/ɪ̈/ /ər/ IPA Notes
battedbatteredˈbætəd
bettedbetteredˈbɛtəd
bustedbustardˈbʌstəd
butchesbutchersˈbʊtʃəz
buttedbutteredˈbʌtəd
chartedcharteredˈtʃɑ:təd
chattedchatteredˈtʃætəd
foundedfounderedˈfaʊndəd
humidhumo(u)redˈhjuːməd
mastedmasteredˈmæstəd, ˈmɑːstəd
mattedmatteredˈmætəd
moddingmodernˈmɒdənWith G-dropping.
pattedpatteredˈpætəd
pattingpatternˈpætənWith G-dropping.
satinSaturnˈsætən
scattedscatteredˈskætəd
splendidsplendo(u)redˈsplɛndəd
tattedtatteredˈtætəd
tendedtenderedˈtɛndəd
territoryterror treeˈtɛrətriːWith happy-tensing.

Dough–door merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets GOAT and FORCE. It may be found in some southern U.S. non-rhotic speech, some speakers of African-American English, some speakers in Guyana and some Welsh speech.[39]

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /oʊr/ IPA Notes
beauboarˈboʊ
beauboreˈboʊ
bodeboardˈboʊd
bodeboredˈboʊd
boneborneˈboʊn
boneBourneˈboʊn
bowboarˈboʊ
bowboreˈboʊ
bowedboardˈboʊd
bowedboredˈboʊd
chosechoresˈtʃoʊz
coastcoursedˈkoʊst
coatcourtˈkoʊt
codecoredˈkoʊd
doedoorˈdoʊ
doesdoorsˈdoʊz
doughdoorˈdoʊ
dozedoorsˈdoʊz
floefloorˈfloʊ
flowfloorˈfloʊ
foeforeˈfoʊ
foefourˈfoʊ
gogoreˈɡoʊ
goadgoredˈɡoʊd
hoewhoreˈhoʊ
hoedhoardˈhoʊd
hoedhordeˈhoʊd
hoedwhoredˈhoʊd
hosewhoresˈhoʊz
loloreˈloʊ
loadlord; Lordˈloʊd
lodelord; Lordˈloʊd
lowloreˈloʊ
moanmournˈmoʊn
MoeMooreˈmoʊ
Moemoreˈmoʊ
Monamournerˈmoʊnə
mowMooreˈmoʊ
mowmoreˈmoʊ
mownmournˈmoʊn
Ooarˈoʊ
Ooreˈoʊ
odeoaredˈoʊd
ohoarˈoʊ
ohoreˈoʊ
oweoarˈoʊ
oweoreˈoʊ
owedoaredˈoʊd
Poporeˈpoʊ
Popourˈpoʊ
Poeporeˈpoʊ
Poepourˈpoʊ
poachporchˈpoʊtʃ
pokeporkˈpoʊk
poseporesˈpoʊz
posepoursˈpoʊz
roadroaredˈroʊd
roderoaredˈroʊd
roeroarˈroʊ
roseroarsˈroʊz
rowroarˈroʊ
rowedroaredˈroʊd
sewsoarˈsoʊ
sewsoreˈsoʊ
sewedsoaredˈsoʊd
sewedsoredˈsoʊd
sewedswordˈsoʊd
shoneshornˈʃoʊn
showshoreˈʃoʊ
shownshornˈʃoʊn
snowsnoreˈsnoʊ
sosoarˈsoʊ
sosoreˈsoʊ
sowsoarˈsoʊ
sowsoreˈsoʊ
sowedsoaredˈsoʊd
sowedsoredˈsoʊd
sowedswordˈsoʊd
stowstoreˈstoʊ
ThothtortˈtoʊtWith th-stopping.
toadtowardˈtoʊd
toetoreˈtoʊ
toedtowardˈtoʊd
tonetornˈtoʊn
totetortˈtoʊt
towtoreˈtoʊ
towedtowardˈtoʊd
woeworeˈwoʊ
whoaworeˈwoʊWith wine–whine merger.
yoyoreˈjoʊ
yoyourˈjoʊ

Show–sure merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets GOAT and CURE. It may be present in those speakers who have both the dough–door merger described above, and also the pour–poor merger. These include some southern U.S. non-rhotic speakers, some speakers of African-American English and some speakers in Guyana.[39] It can be seen in the term "Fo Sho", an imitation of "for sure".

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /ʊːr/ IPA Notes
beauBoerˈboʊ
beauboorˈboʊ
bowBoerˈboʊ
bowboorˈboʊ
goadgourdˈɡoʊd
hoewhoreˈhoʊ
lolureˈloʊWith yod-dropping.
lowlureˈloʊWith yod-dropping.
Moemoorˈmoʊ
MoeMooreˈmoʊ
modemooredˈmoʊd
mowmoorˈmoʊ
mowMooreˈmoʊ
mowedmooredˈmoʊd
Popoorˈpoʊ
Poepoorˈpoʊ
roeRuhrˈroʊ
rowRuhrˈroʊ
shewsureˈʃoʊ
showsureˈʃoʊ
toadtouredˈtoʊd
toetourˈtoʊ
toedtouredˈtoʊd
towtourˈtoʊ
towedtouredˈtoʊd
yoyourˈjoʊ
yoyou'reˈjoʊ

Often–orphan merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets CLOTH and NORTH. It may be present in old-fashioned Eastern New England accents,[45] New York City speakers[46] and also in some speakers in Jamaica and Guyana. The merger was also until recently present in the dialects of southern England, including Received Pronunciation—specifically, the phonemic merger of the words often and orphan was a running gag in the Gilbert and Sullivan musical, The Pirates of Penzance.

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ɔːr/ IPA Notes
bossbourseˈbɔːs
hoss[47]horseˈhɔːs
mossMorseˈmɔːs
offOrff; orfe; orfˈɔːf
oftenorphanˈɔːfən"Often" is pronounced with a sounded T by some speakers.

God–guard merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets LOT and START. It may be present in non-rhotic accents that have undergone the father–bother merger. These includes non-rhotic Rhode Island, New York City,[48] some Southern U.S.,[49] and some African-American accents.[50]

Homophonous pairs
/ɑ/ /ɑr/ IPA Notes
bob; Bobbarb; Barbˈbɑb
bockbarkˈbɑk
bocksbarksˈbɑks
bocksBerksˈbɑks
bodbardˈbɑd
bodbarredˈbɑd
boffbarfˈbɑf
botBartˈbɑt
boxbarksˈbɑks
boxBerksˈbɑks
clockClark; Clarkeˈklɑk
clockclerkˈklɑk
cobcarbˈkɑb
codcardˈkɑd
collarCarlaˈkɑlə
collieCarlieˈkɑli
copcarpˈkɑp
cotcartˈkɑt
dockdarkˈdɑk
dollarDarlaˈdɑlə
dollingdarlingˈdɑlɪŋ
don; Dondarnˈdɑn
dotdartˈdɑt
godgarredˈɡɑd
godguardˈɡɑd
hockharkˈhɑk
holly; HollyHarleyˈhɑli
hominyharmonyˈhɑməniWith weak vowel merger.
hopharpˈhɑp
hothartˈhɑt
hotheartˈhɑt
hottiehardyˈhɑɾiWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hottieheartyˈhɑti
houghharkˈhɑk
hoveredHarvardˈhɑvəd
knocknarcˈnɑk
knocknarkˈnɑk
knocksnarcsˈnɑks
knocksnarksˈnɑks
Knoxnarcsˈnɑk
Knoxnarksˈnɑk
locklarkˈlɑk
Lockelarkˈlɑk
lodgelargeˈlɑdʒ
loplarpˈlɑp
mockmark; Markˈmɑk
mocksmarks; Mark'sˈmɑks
mocksMarxˈmɑks
modmarredˈmɑd
modgeMargeˈmɑdʒ
moll; Mollmarlˈmɑl
molly; MollyMarleyˈmɑli
moshmarshˈmɑʃ
nocknarcˈnɑk
nocknarkˈnɑk
nocksnarcsˈnɑks
nocksnarksˈnɑks
Noxnarcsˈnɑk
Noxnarksˈnɑk
oxarcsˈɑks
oxarksˈɑks
pockpark; Parkˈpɑk
pocksparks; Park'sˈpɑks
polly; Pollyparley; Parleyˈpɑli
potpartˈpɑt
potchparchˈpɑtʃ
pottypartyˈpɑti
poxparksˈpɑks
shodshardˈʃɑd
shocksharkˈʃɑk
shopsharpˈʃɑp
shoppingsharpenˈʃɑpənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
sockSarkˈsɑk
sodSardˈsɑd
Spocksparkˈspɑk
spotterSpartaˈspɑtə
stockstarkˈstɑk
todtardˈtɑd
todtarredˈtɑd
Toddtardˈtɑd
Toddtarredˈtɑd
toptarpˈtɑp
tottartˈtɑt
yonyarnˈjɑn

Shot–short merger

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets LOT and NORTH. It may be present in some Eastern New England accents.[51][52]

Homophonous pairs
/ɒ/ /ɒr/ IPA Notes
bonbornˈbɒːn
boxborksˈbɒːks
cockcork; Corkˈkɒːk
cockscorks; Cork'sˈkɒːks
copscorpseˈkɒːps
coxcorks; Cork'sˈkɒːks
codchordˈkɒːd
codcordˈkɒːd
concornˈkɒːn
dockdorkˈdɒːk
foxforksˈfɒːks
domdormˈdɒːm
mogmorgueˈmɒːɡ
motMortˈmɒːt
odderorderˈɒːdə
otterorderˈɒːɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
oxorcsˈɒːks
pondpornedˈpɒːnd
pockporkˈpɒːk
poshPorscheˈpɒːʃ
potportˈpɒːt
scotch; Scotchscorchˈskɒːtʃ
shoddyshortyˈʃɒːɾiWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
shotshortˈʃɒːt
snotsnortˈsnɒːt
sobSorbˈsɒːb
soldersorterˈsɒːɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
sotsortˈsɒːt
Spocksporkˈspɒːk
spotsportˈspɒːt
stockstorkˈstɒːk
swanswornˈswɒːn
swatswartˈswɒːt
tocktorqueˈtɒːk
tottortˈtɒːt
toxtorquesˈtɒːks
wabblewarbleˈwɒːbəl
wadwardˈwɒːd
wadwarredˈwɒːd
wanwarnˈwɒːn
wandwarnedˈwɒːnd
wannaWarnerˈwɒːnə
wattwartˈwɒːt
whapwarpˈwɒːpWith wine–whine merger.
whatwartˈwɒːtWith wine–whine merger.
whopwarpˈwɒːpWith wine–whine merger.
wobblewarbleˈwɒːbəl
yockYorkˈjɒːk

Bud–bird merger

A merger of /ɜː(r)/ and /ʌ/ occurring for some speakers of Jamaican English making bud and bird homophones as /bʌd/.[53] The conversion of /ɜː/ to [ʌ] or [ə] is also found in places scattered around England and Scotland. Some speakers, mostly rural, in the area from London to Norfolk exhibit this conversion, mainly before voiceless fricatives. This gives pronunciation like first [fʌst] and worse [wʌs]. The word cuss appears to derive from the application of this sound change to the word curse. Similarly, lurve is coined from love.

Homophonous pairs
/ʌ/ /ɜːr/ IPA Notes
bloodblurredˈblʌd
bubburbˈbʌb
buckBurkeˈbʌk
BuckleyBerkeleyˈbʌkli
budbirdˈbʌd
budburredˈbʌd
budgingburgeonˈbʌdʒənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
bugbergˈbʌɡ
bugburgˈbʌɡ
buggerburgerˈbʌɡə
buggingbergen; BergenˈbʌɡənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
bummerBurmaˈbʌmə
bunBernˈbʌn
bunburnˈbʌn
buntburntˈbʌnt
bused; bussedburstˈbʌst
bustburstˈbʌst
butBertˈbʌt
butBurtˈbʌt
buttBertˈbʌt
buttBurtˈbʌt
buttonBurtonˈbʌtən
buzzburrsˈbʌz
chuckchirkˈtʃʌk
cluckclerkˈklʌk
colo(u)rcurlerˈkʌlə
covencurvingˈkʌvənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
cubcurbˈkʌb
cubkerbˈkʌb
cudcurdˈkʌd
cudcurredˈkʌd
cudKurdˈkʌd
cuddlecurdleˈkʌdəl
cuff youcurfewˈkʌfju
cullcurlˈkʌl
cullercurlerˈkʌlə
cunningkerningˈkʌnɪŋ
cusscurseˈkʌs
cutcurt; Curtˈkʌt
cuttingcurtainˈkʌtɪnWith G-dropping.
dostdurstˈdʌst
dothdearthˈdʌθ
duckdirkˈdʌk
duckeddirkedˈdʌkt
ducksdirksˈdʌks
ductdirkedˈdʌkt
dustdurstˈdʌst
duxdirksˈdʌks
fudfurredˈfʌd
funfernˈfʌn
fussedfirstˈfʌst
fuzzfursˈfʌz
gullgirlˈɡʌl
gullygirlyˈɡʌli
guttergirderˈɡʌɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hubherbˈ(h)ʌbWith or without H-dropping.
huckHercˈhʌk
huckirkˈʌkWith H-dropping.
huddlehurdleˈhʌdəl
hullhurlˈhʌl
humhermˈhʌm
HunearnˈʌnWith H-dropping.
HunurnˈʌnWith H-dropping.
hushHirschˈhʌʃ
huthurtˈhʌt
lovelurveˈlʌv
lucklurkˈlʌk
luckslurksˈlʌks
luntlearntˈlʌnt
luxelurksˈlʌks
muchmerchˈmʌtʃ
muckmercˈmʌk
muckmirkˈmʌk
muckmurkˈmʌk
muddlemyrtleˈmʌɾəlWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
muddermurderˈmʌdə
mullmerlˈmʌl
muttermurderˈmʌɾəWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
muttonMertonˈmʌtən
ovenIrvingˈʌvənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
puckperkˈpʌk
pudgepurgeˈpʌdʒ
pupperpˈpʌp
puspurseˈpʌs
pussy (pus)Percyˈpʌsi
puttpertˈpʌt
scutskirtˈskʌt
shuckshirkˈʃʌk
spunspurnˈspʌn
studstirredˈstʌd
suchsearchˈsʌtʃ
suckcirqueˈsʌk
sucklecircleˈsʌkəl
suffersurferˈsʌfə
sullysurlyˈsʌli
SuttoncertainˈsʌtənWith weak vowel merger.
thudthirdˈθʌd
ton(ne)ternˈtʌn
ton(ne)turnˈtʌn
toughturfˈtʌf
tuckTurkˈtʌk
tucksTurksˈtʌks
Tuttleturtleˈtʌtəl
tuxTurksˈtʌks
usErseˈʌs
wontweren'tˈwʌnt

Up-gliding Nurse

Up-gliding Nurse is a diphthongized vowel sound, [əɪ] or [ɜɪ], used as the pronunciation of the Nurse phoneme /ɜːr/. This up-gliding variant historically occurred in some non-rhotic dialects of American English and is particularly associated with the early twentieth-century (but now extinct or moribund) dialects of New York City, New York; New Orleans, Louisiana; and Charleston, South Carolina,[54] likely developing in the prior century. In fact, in speakers born before World War I, this sound apparently predominated throughout older speech of the Southern United States, ranging from "South Carolina to Texas and north to eastern Arkansas and the southern edge of Kentucky."[55] This variant happened only before a consonant, so, for example, stir was never [stɜɪ];[56] rather stir would have been pronounced [stɜː(ɹ)].

Coil–curl merger

In some cases, particularly in New York City, the nurse sound gliding from a schwa upwards even led to a phonemic merger of the vowel classes associated with the General American phonemes /ɔɪ/ as in CHOICE with the /ɝ/ of NURSE; thus, words like coil and curl, as well as voice and verse, were homophones. The merged vowel was typically a diphthong [əɪ], with a mid central starting point (though sometimes [ɜɪ]), rather than the back rounded starting point of /ɔɪ/ of CHOICE in most other accents of English. The merger is responsible for the "Brooklynese" stereotypes of bird sounding like boid and thirty-third sounding like toity-toid. This merger is known for the word soitanly, used often by the Three Stooges comedian Curly Howard as a variant of certainly in comedy shorts of the 1930s and 1940s. The songwriter Sam M. Lewis, a native New Yorker, rhymed returning with joining in the lyrics of the English-language version of Gloomy Sunday. This merger did not however exist in the South, which maintained a distinction between the two phonemes due to often having a down-gliding CHOICE sound: something like [ɔɛ].

In 1966, according to a survey that was done by William Labov in New York City, 100% of the people over 60 used [əɪ] for bird. With each younger age group, however, the percentage got progressively lower: 59% of 50- to 59-year-olds, 33% of 40- to 49-year-olds, 24% of 20- to 39-year-olds, and finally, only 4% of people 8–19 years old used [əɪ]. Nearly all native New Yorkers born since 1950, even those whose speech is otherwise non-rhotic, now pronounce bird as [ˈbɝd].[57] However, Labov reports this vowel to be slightly raised compared to other dialects.[58]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔɪ/ /ɜr/ IPA Notes
adjoinadjournəˈdʒɜɪn
boilburlˈbɜɪl
Boydbirdˈbɜɪd
Boyleburlˈbɜɪl
Boydbirdˈbɜɪd
coilcurlˈkɜɪl
coinkernˈkɜɪn
coitusCurtisˈkɜɪtəsWith weak vowel merger.
foilfurlˈfɜɪl
goitre; goitergirderˈɡɜɪɾərWith intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hoistHearstˈhɜɪst
hoisthurst; Hurstˈhɜɪst
Hoylehurlˈhɜɪl
loinlearnˈlɜɪn
oilearlˈɜɪl
poilpearlˈpɜɪl
poisepurrsˈpɜɪz
toyedturdˈtɜɪd
voiceverseˈvɜɪs
Voightvertˈvɜɪt

Effect of non-rhotic dialects on orthography

Certain words have spellings derived from non-rhotic dialects or renderings of foreign words through non-rhotic pronunciation. In rhotic dialects, spelling pronunciation has caused these words to be pronounced rhotically anyway. Examples include:

  • Er, used in non-rhotic dialects to indicate a filled pause, which most rhotic dialects would instead convey with uh or eh.
  • The Korean family name (Bak/Pak) usually written "Park" in English.
  • The game Parcheesi.
  • British English slang words:
  • In Rudyard Kipling's books:
  • Burma and Myanmar for Burmese [bəmà] and [mjàmmà].
  • Transliteration of Cantonese words and names, such as char siu (Chinese: 叉燒; Jyutping: caa¹ siu¹) and Wong Kar-wai (Chinese: 王家衛; Jyutping: Wong⁴ Gaa1wai⁶)
  • The spelling of schoolmarm for school ma'am, which Americans pronounce with the rhotic consonant. (It should, however, be pointed out that this particular term is not used in modern American English. It harkens back to a time when one teacher taught all grades in a rural district and was used to refer to that person in a polite formal way by the community.)

See also

References

Notes

  1. Other terms for "rhotic" varieties include "/r/–pronouncing" and "r–ful".[1][2]
  2. Other terms for "non-rhotic" varieties include "/r/-deleting",[1] "r-dropping",[3] "r-vocalized", and "r–less".[2]

Citations

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Lass (1999), p. 114.
  2. 1 2 3 Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006): 47.
  3. Wells (1982), p. 216.
  4. 1 2 Labov, Ash, and Boberg, 2006: pp. 47–48.
  5. Paul Skandera, Peter Burleigh, A Manual of English Phonetics and Phonology, Gunter Narr Verlag, 2011, p. 60.
  6. Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 5, 47.
  7. Based on H. Orton, et al., Survey of English Dialects (1962–71). Some areas with partial rhoticity, such as parts of the East Riding of Yorkshire, are not shaded on this map.
  8. Based on P. Trudgill, The Dialects of England.
  9. Lass (1999), pp. 114–15.
  10. 1 2 3 4 Lass (1999), p. 115.
  11. Fisher (2001), p. 73.
  12. 1 2 Fisher (2001), p. 76.
  13. 1 2 Fisher (2001), p. 77.
  14. Wells, Accents of English, 1:224-225.
  15. Gimson, Alfred Charles (2014), Cruttenden, Alan, ed., Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.), Routledge, pp. 119–120, ISBN 978-1-4441-8309-2
  16. Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
  17. Wells, Accents of English, p. 490.
  18. Wakelyn, Martin: "Rural dialects in England", in: Trudgill, Peter (1984): Language in the British Isles, p.77
  19. 1 2 Wells, J. C. (1982). Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 629. ISBN 0-521-28541-0.
  20. Wells, Accents of English, pp. 76, 221
  21. Schneider, Edgar (2008). Varieties of English: The Americas and the Caribbean. Walter de Gruyter. p. 396.
  22. McClear, Sheila (2 June 2010). "Why the classic Noo Yawk accent is fading away". New York Post. Retrieved 13 April 2013.
  23. Trudgill, Peter (1984). Language in the British Isles. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-28409-7.
  24. Stuart-Smith, Jane (1999). "Glasgow: accent and voice quality". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard. Urban Voices. Arnold. p. 210. ISBN 0-340-70608-2.
  25. Milla, Robert McColl (2012). English Historical Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 25–26. ISBN 978-0-7486-4181-9.
  26. Trudgill, Peter (2010). Investigations in Sociohistorical Linguistics. Cambridge University Press.
  27. Gick, Bryan. 1999. A gesture-based account of intrusive consonants in English Archived 12 April 2013 at the Wayback Machine.. Phonology 16: 1, pp. 29–54. (pdf). Retrieved 12 November 2010.
  28. Harris 2006: pp. 2–5.
  29. Pollock et al., 1998.
  30. http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/secure/generalmodules/varieties/unit0000/virtualsession/vslessons/thomas.pdf] p. 16
  31. Trudgill, Peter (2000). "Sociohistorical linguistics and dialect survival: a note on another Nova Scotian enclave". In Magnus Leung, ed. Language Structure and Variation. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. p. 197.
  32. Hickey, Raymond (1999). "Dublin English: current changes and their motivations". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard. Urban Voices. Arnold. p. 272. ISBN 0-340-70608-2.
  33. Salbrina, S., & Deterding, D. (2010). Rhoticity in Brunei English. English World-Wide, 31, 121–137.
  34. Nur Raihan Mohamad (2017). Rhoticity in Brunei English : A diachronic approach. Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal, 17, 1-7. PDF Version
  35. Brinton, Lauren and Leslie Arnovick. The English Language: A Linguistic History. Oxford University Press: Canada, 2006
  36. Bowerman (2004), p. 940.
  37. Lass (2002), p. 121.
  38. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Wells (1982)
  39. Wells (1982), p. 225
  40. Upton, Clive; Eben Upton (2004). Oxford rhyming dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 59. ISBN 0-19-280115-5.
  41. Upton, Clive; Eben Upton (2004). Oxford rhyming dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 60. ISBN 0-19-280115-5.
  42. Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 235
  43. Wells, p. 287
  44. Wells, p. 524
  45. Wells (1982), p. 503
  46. Dialectal variant of "horse"
  47. Wells (1982), p. 504
  48. Wells (1982), p. 544
  49. Wells (1982), p. 577
  50. Wells, p. 520
  51. Dillard, Joey Lee (1980). Perspectives on American English. The Hague; New York: Walter de Gruyter. p. 53. ISBN 90-279-3367-7.
  52. Wells, John C. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-22919-7., pp. 136–37, 203–6, 234, 245–47, 339–40, 400, 419, 443, 576
  53. Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 259
  54. Thomas (2006), p. 8
  55. Wells (1982), pp. 508 ff
  56. Labov (1966)
  57. Labov (1966), p. 216

Works cited

  • Fisher, John Hurt (2001). "British and American, Continuity and Divergence". In Algeo, John. The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume VI: English in North America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 59–85. ISBN 0-521-26479-0. 
  • Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-016746-8. 
  • Lass, Roger (1999). "Phonology and Morphology". In Lass, Roger. The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume III: 1476–1776. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 56–186. ISBN 0-521-26476-6. 
  • Pollock, Bailey, Berni, Fletcher, Hinton, Johnson, Roberts, & Weaver (17 March 2001). "Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE)". Retrieved 8 November 2016. 
  • Trudgill, Peter (1984). Language in the British Isles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
  • Wells, J. C. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
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