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The Mu‘allaqāt (Arabic: المعلقات, [al-muʕallaqaːt]) is a group of seven long Arabic poems that are considered the best work of the pre-Islamic era. The name means The Suspended Odes or The Hanging Poems, the traditional explanation being that these poems were hung on or in the Ka'ba at Mecca. The name Mu‘allaqāt has also been explained figuratively, as if the poems "hang" in the reader's mind.
The grammarian Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nahhas (d. 949 CE) says expressly in his commentary on the Mu'allaqat: "The true view of the matter is this: when Hammad Ar-Rawiya (Hammad the Rhapsodist) saw how little men cared for poetry, he collected these seven pieces, urged people to study them, and said to them: 'These are the [poems] of renown.'" This agrees with all other information scholars have retrieved. Firstly, the recitation of poems was his profession. Hammad (who lived in the first three quarters of the 8th century) was perhaps of all men the one who knew most Arabic poetry by heart. It is highly like that such a rhapsodist would have performed the task of selecting the poems; some assume that he is responsible due to his somewhat fantastic title of "the suspended".
There is another fact which seems to speak in favour of Hammad as the compiler of this work. He was a Persian by descent, but a client of the Arab tribe, Bakr ibn Wa'il. For this reason, some suppose he not only received into the collection a poem of the famous poet Tarafa, of the tribe of Bakr, but also that of another Bakrite, Harith. The latter, though not accounted a bard of the highest rank, had been a prominent chieftain, while his poem could serve as a counterpoise to another also received the celebrated verses of Harith's contemporary 'Amr, chief of the Taghlib, the rival brethren of the Bakr. 'Amr praises the Taghlib in glowing terms: Harith, in a similar vein, extols the Bakr ancestors of Hammad's patrons.
The collection of Hammad appears to have consisted of the same seven poems which are found in modern editions, composed respectively by Imru' al-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhayr, Labīd, 'Antara Ibn Shaddad, 'Amr ibn Kulthum, and Harith ibn Hilliza. These are enumerated both by Ibn Abd Rabbih (860–940 CE), and, on the authority of the older philologists, by Nahhas; and all subsequent commentators seem to follow them. We have, however, evidence of the existence, at a very early period, of a slightly different arrangement. Certainly we cannot now say, on the testimony of the Jamharat Ash'ar al-Arab, that two of the most competent ancient authorities on Arabic poetry, al-Mufaddal (d. c. 790) and Abu ʿUbaidah (d. 824 CE, at a great age), had already assigned to the "Seven" (i.e. "the seven Mu'allaqat") a poem each of al-Nabigha and al-A'sha in place of those of 'Antara and Harith. For meanwhile it has been discovered that the compiler of the above-mentioned work who, in order to deceive the reader, issued it under a false name is absolutely untrustworthy. However, the learned Ibn Qutaiba (9th century), in his book Of Poetry and Poets, mentions as belonging to the "Seven" not only the poem of 'Amr, which has invariably been reckoned among the Mu'allaqat (ed. de Goeje, p. 120), but also a poem of 'Abid ibn al-Abras (ibid. 144). In place of which poem he read this remains unknown, and scholars are equally ignorant as to whether he counted other pieces than those indicated above among the seven.
Now Nabigha and A'sha enjoyed greater celebrity than any of the poets represented in the Mu'allaqat, with the exception of Imru' al-Qais, and it is therefore not surprising that scholars, of a somewhat later date, appended a poem by each of these to the Mu'allaqat, without intending by this to make them an integral part of that work. This is clear, for instance, from the introductory words of Tibrizi, Yahyá ibn Ali (d. 1109 C.E.) to his commentary on the Mu'allaqat. Appended to this he gives a commentary to a poem of Nabigha, to one of A'sha, and moreover one to that poem of 'Abid which, as we have just seen, Ibn Qutaiba had counted among the seven. It is a pure misunderstanding when Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406 CE) in his Muqaddimah speaks of nine Mu'allaqat; and we ought hardly to lay any stress on the fact that he mentions not only Nabigha and A'sha, but also 'Alqama ibn 'Abada, as Mu'allaqa poets. He was probably led to this by a delusive recollection of the Collection of the "Six Poets", in which were included these three, together with the three Mu'allaqat poets, Imru' al-Qais, Zuhayr and Tarafa.
The hanging of the poems
Ibn Abd Rabbih in the 'Iqd al-Farid (The Precious Necklace) states "The Arabs had such an interest in poetry, and valued it so highly, that they took seven long pieces selected from the ancient poetry, wrote them in gold on pieces of Coptic linen folded up, and hung them up (allaqat) on the curtains which covered the Ka'ba. Hence we speak of 'the golden poem of Imru' al-Qais,' 'the golden poem of Zuhayr.' The number of the golden poems is seven; they are also called 'the suspended' (al-Mu'allaqat)." Similar statements are found in later Arabic works. But against this we have the testimony of al-Nahhas, who says in his commentary on the Mu'allaqat: "As for the assertion that they were hung up in the Ka'ba, it is not known to any of those who have handed down ancient poems." This cautious scholar is unquestionably right in rejecting a story so utterly unauthenticated.
The customs of the Arabs before Prophet Muhammad are pretty accurately known to us; we have also a mass of information about the affairs of Mecca at the time when the Prophet arose; but no trace of this or anything like it is found in really good and ancient authorities. We hear, indeed, of a Meccan hanging up a spoil of battle on the Ka'ba (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 431). Less credible is the story of an important document being deposited in that sanctuary (ibid. p. 230), for this looks like an instance of later usages being transferred to pre-Islamic times. But at all events this is quite a different thing from the hanging up of poetical manuscripts. To account for the disappearance of the Mu'allaqat from the Ka'ba we are told, in a passage of late origin (De Sacy, Chrestom. ii. 480), that they were taken down at the capture of Mecca by the Prophet. But in that case we should expect some hint of the occurrence in the circumstantial biographies of the Prophet, and in the works on the history of Mecca; and we find no such thing.
That a series of long poems was written at all at that remote period is improbable in the extreme. Up to a time when the art of writing had become far more general than it was before the spread of Islam, poems were never or very rarely written, with the exception, perhaps, of epistles in poetic form. The diffusion of poetry was exclusively committed to oral tradition. Moreover, it is quite inconceivable that there should have been either a guild or a private individual of such acknowledged taste, or of such influence, as to bring about a consensus of opinion in favour of certain poems. Think of the mortal offence which the canonization of one poet must have given to his rivals and their tribes. It was quite another thing for an individual to give his own private estimate of the respective merits of two poets who had appealed to him as umpire, or for a number of poets to appear at large gatherings, such as the fair of Oqaz as candidates for the place of honour in the estimation of the throng which listened to their recitations.
No better is the variant of the legend, which we find, at a much later period, in the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun, who tells us that the poets themselves hung up their poems on the Ka'ba (ed. Paris iii. 357). In short, this legend, often related by Arabs, and still more by Europeans, has no historical basis: it is a fabrication based on the name suspended. The word was taken in its literal sense; and as these poems were prized by many above all others in after times, the same opinion was attributed to "the [ancient] Arabs," who were supposed to have given effect to their verdict in the way already described. A somewhat simpler version also given by Nahhas in the passage already cited is as follows: "Most of the Arabs were accustomed to meet at 'Oqaz and recite verses; then, if the king was pleased with any poem, he said, 'Hang it up, and preserve it among my treasures.'" But, not to mention other difficulties, there was no king of all the Arabs; and it is unlikely that any Arabian king attended the fair at Oqaz.
The story that the poems were written in gold has evidently originated in the name "the golden poems" (literally "the gilded"), a figurative expression for excellence. The designation "suspended" may be interpreted in the same way, referring to those (poems) which have been raised, on account of their value, to a specially honourable position. Another derivative of the same root is 'ilq, "precious thing." A clearer significance attaches to another name sometimes used for these poems assumut, "strings of pearls". The comparison of artificially elaborated poems to these strings is extremely apt. Hence it became popular, even in ordinary prose, to refer to speech in rhythmical form as nagm "to string pearls." The selection of these seven poems is unlikely to have been the work of the ancient Arabs, but rather some one writing at a later date.
The seven renowned ones
The lives of these poets were spread over a period of more than a hundred years. The earliest of the seven was Imru' al-Qais, regarded by many as the most illustrious of Arabian Mu'allaqa poets. His exact date cannot be determined; but probably the best part of his career fell within the midst of the 6th century. He was a scion of the royal house of the tribe Kindah, which lost its power at the death of its king Harith ibn 'Amr in the year 529. The poet's royal father, Hojr, by some accounts a son of this Harith, was killed by a Bedouin tribe, the Banu Asad. The son led an adventurous life as a refugee, now with one tribe, now with another, and appears to have died young. The anecdotes related of him which, however, are very untrustworthy in detail as well as his poems, imply that the glorious memory of his house and the hatred it inspired were still comparatively fresh, and therefore recent. A contemporary of Imru' al-Qais was Abid ibn al-Abras, one poem of whose, as we have seen, is by some authorities reckoned among the collection. He belonged to the Banu Asad, and is fond of vaunting the heroic dead of his tribe the murder of Hojr in opposition to the victim's son, the great poet.
The Mu'allaqa of 'Amr hurls defiance against the king of Hira, 'Amr son of Mundhir, who reigned from the summer of 554 until 568 or 569, and was afterwards slain by our poet. This prince is also addressed by Harith in his Mu'allaqa. Of Tarafa, who is said to have attained no great age, a few satirical verses have been preserved, directed against this same king. This agrees with the fact that a grandson of the Qais ibn Khalid, mentioned as a rich and influential man in Tarafa's Mu'allaqa (v. 80 or 81), figured at the time of the battle of Dhu-Qar, in which the tribe Bakr routed a Persian army. This battle falls about 610 CE.
The Mu'allaqa of 'Antara and that of Zuhayr contain allusions to the feuds of the kindred tribes 'Abs and Dhubyan. Famous as these contests were, their time cannot accurately be ascertained. But the date of the two poets can be approximately determined from other data. Ka'b, son of Zuhayr, composed first a satire, and then, in the year 630, a eulogy on the Prophet; another son, Bujair, had begun, somewhat sooner, to celebrate Muhammad. 'Antara killed the grandfather of Al-Ahnaf Ibn Qays, who died at an advanced age in 686 or 687; he outlived 'Abdallah ibn Simma, whose brother Duraid was a very old man when he fell in battle against the Prophet (early in 630 CE); and he had communications with Ward, whose son, the poet Urwah ibn al-Ward, may perhaps have survived the flight of Muhammad to Medina. From all these indications we may place the productive period of both poets in the end of the 6th century. The historical background of 'Antara's Mu'allaqat lies somewhat earlier than that of Zuhayr's.
To the same period appears to belong the poem of 'Alqama ibn 'Abada, which, as we have seen, Ibn Khaldun reckons amongst the Mu'allaqat. This too is certainly the date of Al-Nabigha, who was one of the most distinguished of Arabic poets. For in the poem often reckoned as a Mu'allaqat, as in many others, he addresses himself to No'man, king of Hira, who reigned in the two last decades of the 6th century. The same king is mentioned as a contemporary in one of poems of 'Alqama.
The poem of al-A'sha, sometimes added to the Mu'allaqat, contains an allusion to the battle of Dhu Qar (under the name "Battle of Hinw", v. 62). This poet, not less famous than Nabigha, lived to compose a poem in honour of Muhammad, and died not long before 630 CE.
Labīd is the only one of these poets who embraced Islam. His Mu'allaqa, however, like almost all his other poetical works, belongs to the pre-Islamic period. He is said to have lived until 661, or even later; certainly it is true of him, what is asserted with less likelihood of several others of these poets, that he lived to a ripe old age.
Hammad Ar-Rawiya's seven poets
Poets sometimes numbered amongst the seven
The seven Mu'allaqat, and also the poems appended to them, represent almost every type of ancient Arabian poetry in its excellences and its weaknesses. Tarafa's long, for example, anatomically exact description of his camel had an extraordinary charm of its own for the Bedouins, every man of whom was a perfect connoisseur on this subject down to the minutest points . In the Mu'allaqat of 'Amr and Harith we can read the haughty spirit of the powerful chieftains, boastfully celebrating the splendours of their tribe. The song of Zuhayr contains the practical wisdom of a sober man of the world. The other poems are fairly typical examples of the customary qasida, the long poem of ancient Arabia, and bring before us the various phases of Bedouin life. In the Mu'allaqat of 'Antara, whose heroic temperament had overcome the scorn with which the son of a black slave-mother was regarded by the Bedouins, there predominates a warlike spirit, which plays practically no part in the song of Labid.
There is a high degree of uniformity in the Mu'allaqat in spite of the poverty of the country's inhabitants . For example, the poets use an extraordinary strict metrical system in spite of their lack of knowledge of theory or even an alphabet. In the most ancient poems the metrical form is as scrupulously regarded as in later compositions. The only poem which shows unusual metrical freedom is the above-mentioned song of 'Abid. It is, however, remarkable that 'Abid's contemporary Imru' al-Qais, in a poem which in other respects also exhibits certain coincidences with that of 'Abid, presents himself considerable licence in the use of the very same metre one which, moreover, is extremely rare in the ancient period. Presumably, the violent deviations from the schema in 'Abid are due simply to incorrect transmission by compilers who failed to grasp the meter. The other poems ascribed to 'Abid, together with all the rest attributed to Imru' al-Qais, are constructed in precise accord with the metrical canons.
The last poet in the Mu'allaquat is Hammad to whom is attributed the collection of the Mu'allaqat. He, at the same time, marks the transition of the rhapsodist to the critic and scholar. Hammad dealt in the most arbitrary fashion with the enormous quantity of poetry which he professed to know thoroughly. The seven Mu'allaqat are indeed free from the suspicion of forgery , but even in them the text is frequently altered and many verses are transposed. Some of the Mu'allaqat have several preambles: so, especially, that of 'Amr, the first eight verses of which belong not to the poem, but to another poet. Elsewhere, also, we find spurious verses in the Mu'allaqat. Some of these poems, which have been handed down to us in other exemplars besides the collection itself, exhibit great divergences both in the order and number of the verses and in textual details. This is particularly the case with the oldest Mu'allaqat—that of Imru' al-Qais—the critical treatment of which is a problem of such extreme difficulty that only an approximate solution can ever be reached. The variations of the text, outside the Mu'allaqat collection, have here and there exercised an influence on the text of that collection. It would be well if our manuscripts at least gave the Mu'allaqat in the exact form of Hammad's day. The best text in fact, we may say, a really good text is that of the latest Mu'allaqat, the song of Labid.
The Mu'allaqat exist in many manuscripts, some with old commentaries. They have also been several times printed. Special mention is due to the edition of Sir Charles James Lyall with the commentary of Tibrizi (Calcutta, 1894). The strangeness, both of the expression and of the subjects, only admits of a paraphrastic version for large portions of the work, unless the sense is to be entirely obliterated.
- A. J. Arberry, The Seven Odes: London, 1957
- Lady Anne Blunt and W. S. Blunt, The Seven Golden Odes of Pagan Arabia: London, 1903
- Sir William Jones, The Mo'allakat or Seven Arabian Poems: Calcutta, 1877
- F. E. Johnson, The Seven Poems Suspended in the Temple at Mecca: Bombay, 1893
- Michael Sells, Desert Tracings: Wesleyan University Press 1989
- Charles J. Lyall, Ancient Arabian Poetry
- Charles J. Lyall, The Diwans of 'Abid ibn al-Abras and 'Amir ibn at-Tufail: London, 1913
- W. A. Clouston, Arabian Poetry for English Readers: Edinburgh
- Robert Irwin, Night and Horses and the Desert
- Kirsten Eksell, "Genre in Early Arabic Poetry." Taken from Literary History: Towards a Global Perspective, vol. 2, pg. 158. Eds. Anders Pettersson, Gunilla Lindberg-Wada, Margareta Petersson and Stefan Helgesson. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2006. ISBN 9783110894110
One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Nöldeke, Theodor (1911). "Mo'allakāt". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–635.
- Shady Nasser, The Transmission of the Variant Readings of the Qurʾān: The Problem of Tawātur and the Emergence of Shawādhdh, pg. 210. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2012. ISBN 9789004241794